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Old October 26th, 2016 #1
Jim Harting
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Default Forgotten History: The Chicago White People's Uprising of 1966 - Part One

Forgotten History:
The Chicago White People’s Uprising of 1966 – Part One


Source: THE NEW ORDER

The basic meaning of the word “history,” as most people understand, it is “the record of past events.” That is close to the truth, but a more exact definition would be, “the record of past events that are remembered.” The truth is that human memory, whether individual or collective, is imperfect. Sometimes the memories of even important events are forgotten – or are deliberately suppressed. In such cases, as time passes, it is as though these forgotten events never took place.

And so it is with the Chicago White People’s Uprising of the summer of 1966. Although it was front page, headline news across the world when it occurred, today it has faded from the public mind. Even within the White Nationalist movement, such as it is, the uprising is almost unknown, except in the fading memories of those who lived through it, the youngest of whom are now in late middle age.

If you attempt to research the matter online – good luck! Unless you dig up the front pages of the Chicago Tribune and other newspapers, you will find next to nothing. At most, the only scattered references that remain are to what are euphemistically called the “Open Housing Riots of 1966.” And the role of George Lincoln Rockwell and his National Socialist followers in focusing and leading the revolt has likewise disappeared from the public record. In truth, the uprising so unnerved the powers that be, that they have cleansed it from the historical record, lest it serve as precedent and example for other angry Whites.

Background

Chicago was a segregated city back in the 1960s. There were Black areas and White areas. Working class Whites, many of whom were of Eastern or Southern European ethnic descent, lived in tightly-knit communities. Their small houses were kept in good repair, and their lawns and gardens were tidy and well-maintained. The streets were clean, and there was little crime. In contrast, the Negro sections were rundown and blighted. There was garbage in the streets and many derelict buildings. These were dangerous neighborhoods in which to live – especially after dark.

A logical remedy for the contrasting communities was for the Negroes to fix up their own neighborhoods. Clean up the trash, plant grass on the lawns, turn in the criminals to the police. But instead, the Black masses were informed that their difficulties were not their own fault, but rather were caused by “White racism.” They were further told that the solution to their plight was that Negroes should be allowed to live in the nice, clean White areas of town. This idea was a non-starter with the Whites, for they knew with mathematical certainty that if they allowed Negroes to move into their all-White communities, their pleasant lower-middle-class streets would quickly become dirty and crime-ridden. The value of their houses would drop by 70 percent. Their sons would be assaulted and their daughters would be raped.

And so, the good White people of Chicago resisted any and all efforts to integrate their neighborhoods with Negroes.

Beginning in January, 1966, local Negro leaders began a concerted campaign to break up the all-White neighborhoods by insisting that Negroes be allowed to buy any houses that were put on the market. But the White ethnics refused to sell to Blacks. Thereupon Black “community leaders,” such as Al Raby and a young Jesse Jackson, began to pressure the city fathers and real estate agencies to force the sale of White houses to Blacks. The authorities initially rebuffed the Black demands. So the Black leadership upped the ante by staging a series of noisy, provocative marches through the quiet White neighborhoods. This move got everybody’s attention – including that of professional “civil rights” troublemaker Martin Luther King, Jr. King had just finished a round of agitating and demonstrating in the Deep South, and was looking for new venues to exploit. His income was dependent on the headlines that he could generate, and the explosive situation in Chicago seemed perfect for his purposes.

King and his entourage arrived in Chicago in July. The scene was set for a showdown between the Black agitators, organized under the umbrella of the Chicago Freedom Movement, and the White homeowners.

First Clashes

On Saturday, July 30, a Negro march was held through the White enclave of Marquette Park. It was led by Raby and Jackson. Unlike past marches, this time the Blacks were met with unified and ferocious physical resistance from the White community. The marchers found the local Whites, most of whom were of Eastern European ancestry, in a combative mood: they had no intention of turning their community over to the Blacks.

Hostile Rockwell biographer William Schmalz describes what happened next:
[The marchers] were pelted with a barrage of rocks, bottles, and bricks by white onlookers, a few of whom were arrested. The next day an indignant Al Raby again led marchers through Marquette Park. Swarms of white men ran into the park and overturned every car driven by the marchers. Ice picks and single-edged razors punctured and slashed tires, and youths with lighter fluid set them on fire. Any car bearing the bumper sticker “Union to End Slums” was singled out and totally destroyed. The evening sky was illuminated by burning automobiles.
The violent White uprising had begun.

The Blacks refused to back down, and demanded increased police protection. On August 5, King himself led a march. Again the Negroes were showered with rocks and debris by the enraged Whites. One rock hit King on the head and knocked him down. He told the Chicago Tribune, “I have seen many demonstrations in the South, but I have never seen any so hostile and so hateful as I have seen here today.”

A thousand miles away in Arlington, Virginia, the situation in Chicago was being closely monitored by George Lincoln Rockwell at the headquarters of the American Nazi Party. He and his staff watched news coverage of the violence on television and read about it in the newspapers. Rockwell was also receiving first-hand reports on the White riots from the leader of his Chicago unit, Lt. Chris Vidnjevich. The ANP had a small storefront headquarters on Ohio St., near the center of the clashes. Rockwell told Vidnjevich to offer the embattled Whites whatever aid and leadership he could.

Rockwell realized that this was a perfect opportunity to move the ANP away from the political fringes and into the mainstream of White society. He sent out an emergency fund-raising letter to the ANP mailing list: without financial resources, the ability to the ANP to capitalize on the situation would be very limited. His backers came through for him. Masses of literature addressed to the White people of Chicago were printed up, and cadre members from Arlington were dispatched to Marquette Park to boost Vidnjevich’s tiny numbers. Among the printed material was something new: cardboard posters with a large Swastika and the words “WHITE POWER.”

The Negroes continued their marches, and each time they were met with renewed White resistance. A party member from Arlington arrived in Chicago on the morning of Aug. 14, bringing with him several thousand of the newly-designed placards. Another “open housing” march was scheduled for the Italian neighborhood around Gage Park for that afternoon. Vidnjevich and the other ANP members hurriedly distributed the White Power signs to young adults and teens waiting to confront the Blacks. When the Negro marchers arrived at Gage Park they were met with thousands of angry local residents chanting “White Power” and waving a sea of Swastika signs. Soon the chanting gave way to more aggressive behavior from the White workers, and volley after volley of rocks and bottles hit the “civil rights” procession. Dozens of Whites were arrested, but the march was turned back.

Some 2,000 Whites, still fired up from the battle, milled around the park. An ANP officer mounted a bench, and exhorted the crowd to increased resistance. “Buy yourselves guns and teach your wives to use them, too,” he shouted. When he was done, group of 300 Whites broke from the park and ran to a nearby thoroughfare, where they unleashed a barrage of rocks and bottles on every passing vehicle that contained Negroes. Schmalz reports,
When police tried to make arrests the mob turned on them until warning shots were fired. Two policemen were injured and thirteen people were arrested. One policeman said that it was the closest thing to war that he had ever seen.
The White uprising was in full swing.

Enter George Lincoln Rockwell

Rockwell was heartened as he watched these events unfold on a small black-and-white television set in his office. For years he had been predicting that the day would come when White people were pushed too far and would turn to National Socialism for leadership. And now that day seemed to be at hand. He realized that the type of White violence that was taking place in Chicago had its limits. If it reached the point where it could no longer be contained by the police, the governor would call out the Illinois National Guard and impose martial law. The uprising would be crushed, and the Negroes would get their way at the points of bayonets. What was need at this juncture was organization and focus for White anger, some way to transform rock-throwing into solid political muscle. Rockwell felt that he and the ANP could provide brains for the brawn that the Chicago workers and homeowners had displayed.

On Sunday, August 21, Rockwell arrived in the Windy City in his huge camper and parked it in Marquette Park, which had become the center of White resistance. He gathered his small band of followers around him. The camper itself was decked out in a gigantic Swastika and a sign reading “Symbol of WHITE POWER.”

Here is Schmalz’s account of the rally, which was the first National Socialist gathering of its type since the end of the Second World War:
As the day wore on, more than 2,000 people congregated around [the camper]...Chris Vidnjevich stepped to the microphone and gave a brief talk. He was showered with applause. Finally, Patler returned to the microphone to introduce Rockwell.

The crowd roared with an exuberance that Rockwell had never experienced before. Unlike college audiences applauding out of respect, these people needed him...

A man in the crowd attempted to heckle Rockwell but was shouted down by other bystanders. Rockwell told the crowd that he would personally lead a White Power march through the "blackest and rottenest section of Chicago." He concluded his speech by asking the crowd to shout "White Power" loud enough for "Martin Luther Coon" to hear it across town. Over and over again, when Rockwell yelled "WHITE!" the crowd responded with "POWER!"

Rockwell climbed down from the camper to walk among the crowd and shake hands while Patler and Vidnjevich moved through the audience with baskets collecting donations. When they returned to the camper their baskets were filled with more than $1,500. After eight long, heart-breaking years of hardship, desertion and physical attacks, here at last was a legion of white Americans accepting him as a leader. He was moved to tears.
The White people of Marquette Park were enthusiastic about Rockwell and the ANP. Everyone else had abandoned them in their struggle to preserve their neighborhoods: the politicians, the police, the churches, the news media – all were against them. One homeowner told the Chicago Tribune, “If the Nazis are building an organization as a buffer against the n#ggers, thousands will join it.” Rockwell announced that the ANP would organize a local self-defense formation called the “White Guard.” A spirit of revolutionary ferment permeated the besieged working class Whites, and the National Socialists were determined to exploit it to the maximum degree.

Understandably, the politicians and the police were unhappy about these developments. The news media was beside itself in anguish. One Chicago television station chose this moment to broadcast a documentary about the so-called “holocaust” and other alleged atrocities committed by the Germans during World War II. It had no effect on the residents of the White neighborhoods: the spell of media hypnosis had been broken by the harsh racial realities on the ground.

Democratic Mayor Richard Daly had joined with the media in denouncing the White resistance as being made up of “thugs” and “hooligans.” But the Marquette Park rally had shown that family men with jobs and women with children also backed the White revolt. The uprising was threatening the base upon which Daly’s notoriously corrupt political machine rested.

For his part, Martin Luther King realized that he had bitten off more than he could chew. When he announced a new series of provocative, confrontational marches into nearby all-White Cicero, his White liberal supporters balked and withdrew their financial support. King knew that he had pushed things too far – so far that the local Whites had turned to the “Nazis” for leadership.

On Thursday, August 25 (four days after the Marquette Park rally), King and the Chicago Freedom Movement met with Mayor Daly and other city officials. King agreed to call off any future marches and demonstrations in exchange for some token concessions by the city. King left Chicago, and turned his attentions to protesting the Vietnam War. Daly quickly reneged on his concessions, but King never challenged him on it. He was beaten and he knew it. Some of the local Negro agitators wanted to continue the campaign to forcibly integrate White neighborhoods, but their efforts came to naught.

The White uprising had been victorious, and the endangered neighborhoods would remain White for another dozen years. The combination of White rage and National Socialist leadership had proven to be a winning formula.

But Rockwell was not content to sit back and rest on his success. He had another card to play: he had announced a mass “White People’s March” for September 10, to be followed that evening by a public White Power rally in the Chicago Colosseum. Cook County Sherriff Richard Ogilvie told the press that he would arrest Rockwell if he set foot in the county. “On what charges?” he was asked. “I don’t know – I’ll think of something,” Ogilvie snapped back.

Thus the stage was set for another confrontation.

End Part One

Part Two: The Chicago White People’s March and Its Aftermath
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Old October 27th, 2016 #2
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August 14, 1966: White workers and White youth rally around the Swastika to confront Black "civil rights" marchers at Gage Park, Chicago. Apparently these racial comrades never got the anti-NS memo that "White Americans will never accept the Swastika."

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Old October 27th, 2016 #3
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August 21, 1966: George Lincoln Rockwell speaks to a cheering, enthusiastic audience of 2,000 White Chicagoans in Marquette Park.

Chris Vidnjevich is partially visible to the right of Rockwell. Note that the troopers lined up in front of the camper are wearing civilian clothes, not the stormtooper uniform: GLR had decided that the uniform had served its purpose, and he was moving in a new direction for the purposes of mass organizing.

Also note (lower left) the young father with a child on his shoulders listening intently to Rockwell's speech.

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Old October 30th, 2016 #4
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Thanks for this, Jim.

I had people at the Metro Beach fight near Detroit, when the white factory boys handed the nogs their balls on a beach blanket.

I'm guessing we're going to have to pull together all the stories together some day, about how the white heirarchy supported "integration" whilst the farm & factory lads tried to fight against long and growing odds.

But you're making a fine start. Keep at it. Real history emerges as the old official story is finally being abandoned by all but the dumbest cucks.

My warmest appreciation for this, in the meantime.
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Old October 31st, 2016 #5
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Quote:
Originally Posted by FranzJoseph View Post
Thanks for this, Jim.

I had people at the Metro Beach fight near Detroit, when the white factory boys handed the nogs their balls on a beach blanket.

I'm guessing we're going to have to pull together all the stories together some day, about how the white heirarchy supported "integration" whilst the farm & factory lads tried to fight against long and growing odds.

But you're making a fine start. Keep at it. Real history emerges as the old official story is finally being abandoned by all but the dumbest cucks.

My warmest appreciation for this, in the meantime.
Thanks, Franz Joseph.

The conclusion to the article is under construction and should be published later this week.

Today is the 50th anniversary of my involvement in the Movement: 50 years ago, as a 14-year-old kid, I wrote to George Lincoln Rockwell and asked to join the ANP. I was subsequently admitted as a probationary member of the National Socialist Youth Movement. I have kept my eyes and ears open over the last five decades, and know things about which new recruits to the movement are completely unaware.

But remembering history is only valuable if you are able to draw lessons for today from the past.

Regarding the events chronicled above in the OP: the world of action is much different from the world of theory. Posters on online forums spend a lot of time discussing things in the abstract. Many posters lack experience in real-world Movement activity, and just do not understand how things work in practice.

Here are some subjects that are routinely talked to death online, but which proved utterly and completely irrelevant when the White masses were ready for action in Chicago:
  • The Holocaust - in Chicago, no one cared one way or another how many Jews did or did not die during World War II;
  • Germans vs. Slavs - most of those who followed Rockwell were Lithuanian or Polish. Rockwell's point man, Chris Vidnjevich, was Croatian;
  • The Swastika as an un-American symbol which the masses will never accept - Not an issue;
  • The term "Nazi" as opposed to "National-Socialist" - No one cared;
  • What should we call ourselves: White Nationalists, White Supremacists or White Separatists? - White protestors carried homemade signs reading "We Hate Niggers"
And so forth. Topics of discussion with which many armchair White revolutionaries are commonly obsessed proved non-issues when the shit really did hit the fan.
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Last edited by Jim Harting; October 31st, 2016 at 10:17 AM.
 
Old November 12th, 2016 #6
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Forgotten History:
The Chicago White People’s Uprising of 1966 – Conclusion


(Note: This is the conclusion of a two-part article. See the OP for the first part.)

Source: THE NEW ORDER

The “Chicago White People’s Uprising” is the name given to a series of events that took place in the summer of 1966. Beginning in July, and stretching through into September, White workers, homeowners and youth took to the streets of that city to physically defend their neighborhoods from being forcibly integrated by Negroes, who were under the leadership of Martin Luther King, Jesse Jackson and other Black agitators.

From the end of July through August 14, White resistance took the form of violence directed against Negro “opening housing” protests. Although no one was killed, many people were injured, automobiles were set on fire, and dozens of angry Whites were arrested. The local Whites felt completely isolated and deserted by the politicians, the police and the churches. A change took place on the 14th however, when activists from the American Nazi Party distributed thousands of placards to Whites protesting the Negro marches. The placards bore a giant Swastika and the words “White Power.” From that point on, the actions of the enraged Whites had a new, political dimension: instead of protesting against the Blacks, they began to protest in favor of White Power, that is, their own racial interests.

A game-changer in the uprising came on August 21, when ANP Commander George Lincoln Rockwell addressed a mass meeting of 2,000 cheering Whites in Marquette Park. Rockwell explained that while White violence had been understandable and had achieved a measure of success, in the long run it was necessary for White people to come together and organize politically to secure the safety and integrity of their neighborhoods. The ANP, he told them, was the group that could provide that organization. He received an enthusiastic response from the crowd.

Four days later, King and his cohorts met with city officials and called off further marches into the White working class neighborhoods in southwestern Chicago. Unorganized rioting would eventually burn itself out, or else be finally controlled by the police, King must have realized. However, a united White community coupled with militant political leadership was something else altogether.

In order to solidify the gains that the ANP had already made, and to demonstrate White political muscle, Rockwell issued a call for a “White People’s March” to take place on September 10. The purpose of the march was to protest moves by the politicians and realtors to move Negroes into all-White neighborhoods. The route of the march would take it primarily through White areas, but would also include a brief incursion into the Black ghetto. If Negroes can protest on White turf, it is only fair that Whites be allowed to do the same in Black neighborhoods, Rockwell argued.

The authorities were unhappy about the planned march. Cook County Sherriff Richard Ogilvie told reporters that he would arrest Rockwell if he set foot in the county. “On what charges?” he was asked. “I don’t know – I’ll think of something.” Ogilvie replied.

On August 29, Rockwell showed up at the sheriff’s office with a gaggle or reporters in tow. He said that he had heard that he was going to be arrested, and he wanted to know what the charges against him were. Rockwell was immediately arrested for disorderly conduct – specifically, for bringing reporters with him into the station, thus creating a commotion. In a rare pro-Rockwell editorial, the Washington Evening Star commented:
Sheriff Ogilvie, we think, has let himself be played for a sucker. Under the circumstances, the arrest of Rockwell was not only stupid, it was plainly illegal. Certainly no court will sustain it. But it will give Rockwell something to talk about the next time he mounts the stump.
Rockwell posted a $25 bond and was immediately released.
A flurry of lawsuits then ensued as the date for the White People’s March approached. Rockwell was denied permission for the marchers to use the streets, but instead they would be confined to the sidewalk. The Jewish War Veterans filed a petition in Federal court demanding an injunction against both the march and a rally in the Chicago Coliseum scheduled to follow the march. The petition was denied. Editorials denouncing the march appeared in major newspapers, in Jewish publications, and in the Communist Party tabloid, the Daily Worker

The White People’s March

The morning of the march arrived. Rockwell and his handful of ANP members gathered at Gage Park, and waited to see who would join them.

No one knew how many people would attend the event – nor what would happen once the Whites crossed over into the Negro section of town. Anti-ANP types were predicting that the Negroes would massacre the Whites. Rockwell had told the press that he was expecting 3,000 marchers, but surely this estimation was either wishful thinking or else a ploy to gain media attention. For their part, the authorities hoped that the march would fizzle, and that it would amount to no more than Rockwell and a dozen or two of his uniformed followers making a token effort to get on the evening news.

But there were no uniforms. Instead, the ANP had produced hundreds of white T-shirts, with a Swastika and the words White Power printed in red. Rockwell’s followers donned the shirts, and Party cadres were told to hand them out to any local Whites who joined them. The marchers were also given an upgraded version of the White Power/Swastika poster to carry.

At first only a few local people walked over to Rockwell and his men. Then more showed up. Soon dozens and dozens of Whites were streaming into the park. Photographs show that most of the marchers were men in their late teens or 20s, but others were middle aged. Some women and children also participated, and in a few cases whole families joined the procession.

The police became alarmed as more and more local Whites arrived to join the march. At noon, the police placed a cordon around those who had already gathered, and no one else was allowed to join them. Rockwell was told that if he wanted to march, he had to do so immediately. Although he would preferred to have waited longer to let more people arrive, when he saw that the police would not allow this, he and his followers stepped off. In all, there were about 300 marchers. Different news media sources give estimates of the number of police assigned to the event ranging from 400 to 750 officers.

The New York Times printed a 30-paragaph front page article on the march the next day. It said that the Whites carried American and Confederate flags, and that some marchers had brought signs with them. “Stop Black Riots,” said one. “Mayor Daly, Where is ‘Your’ Negro Neighbor?” asked another. Over 1,000 Whites lined the streets and cheered on the marchers as they began. One woman stood on her front porch with a homemade sign reading “Welcome Rockwell Savior of Whites.” As the march passed her home, she dashed from her property, pushed her way past the police and joined in.

The march was 38 blocks long in all. The first part snaked through White residential neighborhoods as it headed towards Western Avenue. This was the demarcation line between the White areas of town and the Black ghetto.

As Rockwell and the marchers began to cross over, they were intercepted by a contingent of police officers, who placed Rockwell under arrest. He was charged for failing to have a permit for the speech that he had made in Marquette Park three weeks earlier. At Rockwell’s side was ANP member Ralph Forbes, who was the West Coast leader of the Party. In addition to being a captain in the Stormtroops, Forbes was also a Christian Identity minister, and he was dressed in black with a Roman collar. Forbes stepped in front of Rockwell in an effort to block the police, and he, too, was arrested.

Perhaps the police thought that with Rockwell removed, the march would dissolve. But that did not happen. Instead, Chicago ANP leader Chris Vidnjevich and other party officers stepped forward and took over. To the dismay of the authorities and the surprise of the press, the march continued.

After crossing Western Avenue, the column continued past a rundown Negro business district before entering a Black residential neighborhood. The New York Times reports that 700 Blacks lined the route. Some of the Negroes responded with catcalls and insults as the marchers strode by, while others sang traditional Black spirituals. A commotion broke out among the Negroes, as two teenagers attempted to throw a vial of acid at the Whites. They were arrested, and two Black bystanders and a police officer were treated at a local hospital for acid burns. A couple of minutes later another Black broke from the sidelines and hurled himself at the march. The Times says laconically that he was “clubbed and arrested” by the police. A fourth Negro was arrested in a separate incident.

And then: nothing. As the march continued, the hundreds of sullen, unhappy Blacks contented themselves with staring glumly at the Whites and shouting out an occasional insult. *The dire predictions of a “race war” and a “bloodbath” had proven wrong. The march concluded without further incident. Only six persons had been injured, including those in the acid attack.

The “White Power” Rally at the Chicago Coliseum

The marchers arrived back at Gage Park, their kick-off point, in high spirits. They had successfully defied both the city authorities and the Blacks, and they had conducted themselves in an organized, disciplined and lawful manner. Clearly this was a White victory in every respect. Vidnjevich headed off to pick up Rockwell and Forbes at the police station, while other ANP cadres hurried down to the Coliseum to get it ready for the mammoth White Power rally scheduled for the evening. The party had spent $1,000 to rent the venue. This was an astronomical sum for the ANP, which was always strapped for cash. But Rockwell felt that he could easily recoup that amount and more in contributions from the mass audience that he was expecting.

But there was a hitch. Furious at having been embarrassed by the success of the White People’s March, city hall had ordered the police not to release Rockwell until it was too late for him to attend the meeting. They then leaked word to the media that the meeting had been cancelled because Rockwell would not be in attendance. The false information about "cancellation” was then broadcast in television and radio news reports. But the meeting had not been cancelled, and was scheduled to go on, with or without Rockwell. Vidnjevich and his comrades did the best they could to get the word out in the White neighborhoods that the meeting was still on, but it was an uphill struggle.

Rockwell and Forbes were finally released around 8:00 pm, and hustled off to the meeting site. The Coliseum, which could have held several thousand people, was nearly empty: less than 100 people showed up. Nevertheless, Rockwell and his colleagues went ahead as planned. It was an emotionally-flat, anti-climactic conclusion to what had otherwise been a successful day.

Aftermath

The events of September 10 marked the de facto end of the uprising. Although some Negro agitation continued, especially in Cicero, the wind was out of their sails. King had left, and soon Rockwell was gone as well. Other political duties and responsibilities awaited him elsewhere. With the end of the Negro demonstrations, and an assurance that their neighborhoods would remain White for the foreseeable future, local support for White militancy waned.

Vidnjevich announced another White People’s March, to take place in the Jewish neighborhood of Hyde Park. He explained to the Times:
The Jews are the real troublemakers…They’re the ones – we’re going to march right through their neighborhoods and spit in their eyes…The niggers were docile when we marched but the Jews might try to kill us.
A Federal judge granted a temporary motion against the march, and when it expired he made it permanent, so the march never took place. But in any event, there was little enthusiasm for it among the Whites who had supported the ANP up until then. They understood the immediate danger to their neighborhoods that the Blacks presented, but it would take more political education to make them see that the Negroes were merely a tool being used by the Jews to break down the racial homogeneity of White communities.

Summing Up: Proof of Concept

The immediate value of the uprising in turning back the effort to forcibly integrate all-White neighborhoods is obvious. But, on a different level, the revolt was also important because it validated Lincoln Rockwell’s overall strategy for building American National Socialism. He had endlessly explained to his followers that the broad masses of White people would reject National Socialism and continue to support the Old Order until their backs were to the wall and they had nowhere else to turn. Sooner or later that day would come, he claimed, because the Old Order was committed to policies that would inevitably lead to racial disintegration and that would threaten the physical existence of White people. At that point, the radicalism and extremism of National Socialism that previously had been off-putting to ordinary Whites would become appealing.

Rockwell noted with some satisfaction that efforts of other White groups, such as the National States Rights Party and the Klan, to organize the Chicago Whites had been completely unsuccessful. When he first showed up at Marquette Park on August 21, he found the pavement blanketed with discarded copies of the NSRP tabloid The Thunderbolt. When the White masses were ready for action, these other groups just were not radical enough. But the image that Rockwell had forged for himself – of being an extreme and uncompromising proponent for White people at all costs – was exactly what the local population was looking for.

Rockwell returned to his Arlington headquarters and mulled over the events in Chicago for several months. The time was right, he decided, to transform the ANP from a noisy fringe group that specialized in street theater into a serious political alternative for angry White Americans. Accordingly, on January 1, 1967, he changed the name of his party to the National Socialist White People’s Party, and instituted a series of changes to completely revamp party operations.

Unsurprisingly, these developments were viewed with great alarm by both the Jews and the Federal government. Rockwell and his “Nazis” were no longer just a nuisance – they were growing into a serious potential threat.
A year after the culmination of the White revolt in Chicago, Lincoln Rockwell was dead. On August 25, 1967, he was murdered from ambush two blocks from his headquarters. A “lone gunman” was quickly arrested and convicted, but it was clear that he was only the tip of a broader assassination plot.

As we mentioned at the beginning, today the White People’s Uprising has been all but forgotten. But it was an important event, nonetheless. It should be carefully studied by today’s National Socialist cadres, because its lessons hold great value for the future. Similar conditions such as those that obtained in 1966 Chicago will occur in the future, as American Whites slip to minority status, and all electoral roads to national salvation and racial redemption become closed. Our duty, as revolutionaries, is to be ready to exploit those situations as they evolve.

For us as National Socialists, White Americans becoming a minority in their own country is not the end of our struggle – rather, it is its beginning.
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Old November 14th, 2016 #7
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Famous news photo showing the movement when the police approached Lincoln Rockwell (with pipe) and Ralph Forbes (in clerical garb) to arrest them.

To the left of Rockwell is John Patler: within a year, he would be the gunman in Rockwell's assassination.

Also note the homemade sign behind Forbes, "Welcome Rockwell Savior of Whites." The local White people adored Rockwell.

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Old November 15th, 2016 #8
Jim Harting
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Rare color snapshot of the White People's March, taken from a highway overpass.

Sorry about the size, but if you look closely, you will see that the marchers included a wide spectrum of the White community, not just "Nazi toughs" and "hoodlums" as the media reported.

This photo has never been published before, and is exclusive to this VNN thread.

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Old November 16th, 2016 #9
Ray Allan
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Quote:
Originally Posted by Jim Harting View Post
Rare color snapshot of the White People's March, taken from a highway overpass.

Sorry about the size, but if you look closely, you will see that the marchers included a wide spectrum of the White community, not just "Nazi toughs" and "hoodlums" as the media reported.

This photo has never been published before, and is exclusive to this VNN thread.

Did you take the photo, Jim?
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Old November 16th, 2016 #10
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Not clear how this was a White uprising?
One group of socialists opposed another group of socialists.
What did they accomplish?

Waving cloths and walking about may be good for weight loss, but apart from that, as it was not part of any larger strategy, what did it result in?
Change laws, solve any problems?

Failed ideologies from other countries and eras are irrelevant, as are the people who propose them.
Socialism is a Jewish ideology used to conquer around 70 countries and slaughter millions of people, yet here we have alleged WN supporting Jewish ideologies, and praising parties that allied with the Jews and communists.

Brexit and Trump's success was due to focus on the economy, immigration, sovereignty, locking up criminals and thus non whites, cutting taxes and restoring local control.
Dressed in suits, decent ordinary people in mainstream politics spoke out against these main areas under attack by socialism, and the public overwhelmingly supported them.

Within the WN movement we continue to have this millstone around the neck of people who propose :
socialism as the solution to problems caused by socialism
centralisation as the solution to problems caused by centralisation
more state power as the solution to problems caused by too much state power
protest against the government to the government
urge the movement to avoid mainstream politics but spend their time protesting to elected officials
lack the intelligence to understand control of legislation and government policy and budgets can only be obtained by joining the civil service or getting elected
avoid dealing with issues that the public support
dress and behave in ways that turn the public away
have absolutely no concept of marketing
are completely incapable of forming any alternative government, or leading any changes themselves

Until the movement clears away the debris of the past and becomes relevant, it will continue to be irrelevant and ineffective.
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Old November 16th, 2016 #11
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For me as noted above this is the important lesson from Chicago fifty years ago
  1. The Holocaust - in Chicago, no one cared one way or another how many Jews did or did not die during World War II;
  2. Germans vs. Slavs - most of those who followed Rockwell were Lithuanian or Polish. Rockwell's point man, Chris Vidnjevich, was Croatian;
  3. The Swastika as an un-American symbol which the masses will never accept - Not an issue;
  4. The term "Nazi" as opposed to "National-Socialist" - No one cared;
  5. What should we call ourselves: White Nationalists, White Supremacists or White Separatists? - White protestors carried homemade signs reading "We Hate Niggers"
The obvious answer to the last it is "patriot"
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Old November 16th, 2016 #12
Jim Harting
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Quote:
Originally Posted by Ray Allan View Post
Did you take the photo, Jim?
Sadly - no. I was only 14 years old at the time, living at home with my family in suburban New Jersey. I remember, however, watching the events in Chicago on the nightly news. Excerpts of Commander Rockwell's speech on August 21 especially stick on my mind. I still have news clippings from the New York Times, etc., now very fragile after 50 years.

The color photo is one a handful of original photos of the era that remain in the NEW ORDER archives. Mostly they have been plundered and carried off over the years by what may charitably described as "disgruntled members."
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Last edited by Jim Harting; November 16th, 2016 at 01:20 PM.
 
Old November 16th, 2016 #13
Jim Harting
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Quote:
Originally Posted by Hugh View Post
Not clear how this was a White uprising?

One group of socialists opposed another group of socialists.
What did they accomplish?

Waving cloths and walking about may be good for weight loss, but apart from that, as it was not part of any larger strategy, what did it result in?
Change laws, solve any problems?
Um...did you read the two-part article above before posting these question?

Over a six-week period in the summer of 1966, White homeowners, workers and youth attacked Black marches into their neighborhoods. They fought battles with the police, in which some were injured and many were arrested. They rejected the leadership of their "elected officials," and instead turned to the most notorious radical of the time for leadership: George Lincoln Rockwell. That is more than just a simple protest march: it is an uprising or rebellion.

What evidence can you produce that the White homeowners, small businessmen, etc., from Southwest Chicago were "socialists" in any meaningful sense of the term? Idiotic non-sequitur.

What the uprising accomplished was that it completely gutted plans by city authorities, Jewish realtors and Black agitators to forcibly integrate the White neighborhoods for the next 10 or 12 years.

Quote:
Failed ideologies from other countries and eras are irrelevant, as are the people who propose them.
Clearly, when push came to shove and the shit really did hit the fan, National-Socialism, in a basic American variant, was NOT irrelevant to actual White Americans.

You project your own personal demoralization onto others.

Quote:
Socialism is a Jewish ideology used to conquer around 70 countries and slaughter millions of people, yet here we have alleged WN supporting Jewish ideologies, and praising parties that allied with the Jews and communists.
Yes, you have made it quite clear that you prefer the extinction of the White race to the boogeyman of "socialism."

The White race - collectively - is under worldwide attack. And that is how the attack must be met if it is to be defeated - collectively, not individually.

Quote:
Brexit and Trump's success was due to focus on the economy, immigration, sovereignty, locking up criminals and thus non whites, cutting taxes and restoring local control.
Dressed in suits, decent ordinary people in mainstream politics spoke out against these main areas under attack by socialism, and the public overwhelmingly supported them.
You did or you did not read the two-part article under discussion? Those who took part in the White Peoples Uprising (both civilians and NS) wore normal street attire, except for the September 10 march, when many wore printed t-shirts. Rockwell himself wore a suit and tie.

And, as to Trump, well, Rockwell was 1,000 times the leader that Trump is.

Quote:
Within the WN movement we continue to have this millstone around the neck of people who propose :
socialism as the solution to problems caused by socialism
centralisation as the solution to problems caused by centralisation
more state power as the solution to problems caused by too much state power
protest against the government to the government
urge the movement to avoid mainstream politics but spend their time protesting to elected officials
lack the intelligence to understand control of legislation and government policy and budgets can only be obtained by joining the civil service or getting elected
avoid dealing with issues that the public support
dress and behave in ways that turn the public away
have absolutely no concept of marketing
are completely incapable of forming any alternative government, or leading any changes themselves
National-Socialism, not libertarian defeatism, is the only way forward for our race at this crucial juncture in history.

Quote:
Until the movement clears away the debris of the past and becomes relevant, it will continue to be irrelevant and ineffective.
What really needs to be cleared away are rightwing troublemakers such as yourself, who seek to block the road to White revolution!

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Last edited by Jim Harting; November 16th, 2016 at 03:26 PM.
 
Old November 19th, 2016 #14
Jim Harting
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Quote:
Originally Posted by andy View Post
For me as noted above this is the important lesson from Chicago fifty years ago
  1. The Holocaust - in Chicago, no one cared one way or another how many Jews did or did not die during World War II;
  2. Germans vs. Slavs - most of those who followed Rockwell were Lithuanian or Polish. Rockwell's point man, Chris Vidnjevich, was Croatian;
  3. The Swastika as an un-American symbol which the masses will never accept - Not an issue;
  4. The term "Nazi" as opposed to "National-Socialist" - No one cared;
  5. What should we call ourselves: White Nationalists, White Supremacists or White Separatists? - White protestors carried homemade signs reading "We Hate Niggers"
The obvious answer to the last it is "patriot"
Glenn Miller used the term "White Patriot" back in the 1980s with good effect, and there is no reason why cannot be employed again.

But my point (in my post #5 above) was that what happens during an actual White revolt or uprising bears little or no resemblance or connection to the pontifications of online armchair revolutionaries, who are to lazy or too timid to actually engage in real-world organizing and activism.

Hugh seems to think that everything revolves around the world "socialism." But when it come time to stop prattling on endlessly about theory and to lock and load, Hugh's neurotic obsession with socialism will not be what is on anyone's mind.

What happened in Chicago during the summer of 1966 is real-world proof of this.
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Old November 19th, 2016 #15
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Glenn Miller used the term "White Patriot" back in the 1980s with good effect, and there is no reason why cannot be employed again.

The term "white" in 2016 is superfluous and immediately invites dismissal from educated people as "neo-nutzi extremist cranks" and thus pointless for garnering the interest of "...ordinary decent people..." in any project or campaign.Worse it could be pointed out as you have just done above its origins with the bogus Miller and indeed is a successor to his efforts.

But my point (in my post #5 above) was that what happens during an actual White revolt or uprising bears little or no resemblance or connection to the pontifications of online armchair revolutionaries, who are to lazy or too timid to actually engage in real-world organizing and activism.

Define real world activism in 2016? All I can see are bogus street gangs taking it to the streets in the form of demonstrations and marches. Their diminishing numbers at each event show that even the bogus movement cranks have given up on them leave alone any support from "...Ordinary decent people..."

Hugh seems to think that everything revolves around the world "socialism." But when it come time to stop prattling on endlessly about theory and to lock and load, Hugh's neurotic obsession with socialism will not be what is on anyone's mind.

Perhaps it should be though, usury serving socialism by other names such as "democrat" in the US or "Nationalist" in Ireland,Scotland and Wales. Has been, and is an existential threat to the race for 90 years and more and must be challenged by all patriots

What happened in Chicago during the summer of 1966 is real-world proof of this.

And by any no any measure no long term or strategic gains for the race were achieved in fact Chicago was the power base of Obama himself. Rockwell had a great opportunity and failed to build on it or maintain momentum. Perhaps not his fault in such a unique situation but no progress or sustainable nationalist roots were created. The movement of course has learned nothing as they are already pissing away any gains for the movement the Trump insurgency has created for patriotic politicians.
In summation by all means celebrate the extraordinary events of fifty years ago at the same time stop trying to pass it off as a profound victory for the race and a relevant example of the success of street gang tactics used by the movement in 2016.
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Old November 19th, 2016 #16
Anthony Perroti
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Default Hello Jim

Thank you for your informative posts. I would like to ask you, in your opinion, what would Rockwell thought of Trump? Thanks.
 
Old November 19th, 2016 #17
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Quote:
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Thank you for your informative posts. I would like to ask you, in your opinion, what would Rockwell thought of Trump? Thanks.
Commander Rockwell encountered a somewhat parallel situation in 1964, when Barry Goldwater won the Republican nomination for president. Goldwater was a half-Jewish ultra-right ideologue and politician from Arizona. Unlike Trump, he lost the general election.

Rockwell pointed out that the Goldwater campaign sought to co-opt the anger and dissatisfaction of the White middle class and working class towards the extreme lurch to the left by the Democrats. Instead of appealing to Whites as Whites, and instead of urging them to protect their racial interests, Goldwater appealed to "all Americans" to embrace rightwing capitalism and anti-communism.

If Rockwell were alive today he would denounce Trump's non-racial nationalism as a false path and a dead end for America's dwindling White majority.
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