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Old September 9th, 2005 #1
Rob Roy MacGregor
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Thumbs up That's DOCTOR David Duke to you, Foxman!

Ukraine: David Duke Earns Doctorate in History

News/Comment; Posted on: 2005-09-09 16:54:30



Eat Aryan shit and die, Abe!



White leader successfully defends dissertation at leading university in eastern Europe.

by M. P. Shiel

JEWISH GROUPS are enraged but powerless today as pro-White American writer and thinker David Duke, by presenting and defending his dissertation before an official panel, earned a doctorate in history at the leading private university in Ukraine -- the Interregional Academy of Personnel Management, also known by its Ukrainian acronym MAUP.

Organized Jewish groups are condemning MAUP for awarding a full doctorate -- Mr. Duke had already received an honorary doctorate from the school, where he also teaches -- to what they call "the notorious American anti-Semite David Duke."

According to a report from the David Duke official Web site as well as wire service reports, MAUP awarded the degree "after a successful completion of exams and all doctoral academic requirements, and a spirited Doctoral Defense in an art-adorned academic conference hall adjacent to the office of the MAUP President Professor Georgy Tchokin. (ILLUSTRATION: David Duke, right, with Professor Tchokin during the ceremony.)

"MAUP is one of the leading universities in Ukraine as well as all eastern Europe. Formerly a national university system run by the Ukrainian government, it was privatized after the fall of Communism. It has grown to over 51,000 students with branches throughout Ukraine. Cooperative arrangements exist with other universities in a number of other nations and it has the highest academic accreditation possible both in Ukraine and on the international level. UNESCO recognizes the MAUP university system as one the world's high-level educational institutions. MAUP is the source of most of the bachelor and post-graduate degrees of Ukrainian government officials and administrators. Such influence over governmental employees disturbs many Jews in the Ukraine who are concerned about 'lingering anti-Semitism.'

"Jewish spokesmen had decried Duke's earlier Honorary Doctorate awarded him by the University and his subsequent quiet participation in MAUP's Post Graduate Degree Program and his recent achievement of a full doctorate. They say it is proof of the 'anti-Semitic stance of the university and its staff.' Duke's dissertation was entitled Zionism as a Form of Ethnic Supremacism.

"[Jewish spokesman] Abraham Ribacoff, who read Duke's dissertation, which was similar to his book, Jewish Supremacism, commented, 'No matter how many examinations David Duke has passed, the volume of his research, number of academic citations of his dissertation, or the cleverness of his literary style, his work libels the Jewish people. It concludes that Zionism is an ideology of ethnic supremacy and that Israel is a Jewish-supremacist state. It's all a lie. In truth, Israel is the only true democracy in the Mideast.'

"Markus Gollman [another Jewish spokesman] of Kiev said, 'No matter how camouflaged in a pseudo-intellectual his historical and scientific inquiry, for such anti-Semitic writings, he should be stripped of his Doctor's robes and given a prison uniform. We will not rest until Duke and the fascist President of the university, Georgy Tchokin, rot in jail.'

"The ceremonies awarding David Duke a Doctor of Philosophy Degree in the field of history came just one day after Israel's Ha'aretz newspaper reported that Israel formally demanded that Ukraine's president Victor Yuschenko forbid MAUP president Dr. Georgy Tchokin from being a candidate in the upcoming elections for the Ukrainian Parliament.

"Some members of the Jewish community, though, are afraid that such demands from Israel will be viewed as Israeli interference in the internal policies of Ukraine and will be seen as an attempt to stifle freedom of speech and political expression. They say they 'fear that such moves will only serve to validate the shrill claims of MAUP President Georgy Tchokin and David Duke that Israel wants to control all nations and seeks to stifle political freedom.'"

David Duke, who has been a frequent lecturer at MAUP in recent years, is a former Louisiana state representative and elected Republican party official in that state (though some in the party, beholden to -- or fearing -- Jewish power, distanced themselves from him). Duke also received over 60 per cent. of the White vote in runs for U.S. Senator and Governor there. He was defeated mainly because of organized minority bloc voting and vicious smears against him in the largely Jewish-controlled media. The attacks on Duke culminated in federal prosecution for alleged financial crimes. This prosecution was at the behest of fanatical Zionist Michael Chertoff, whom Duke has exposed as having suspicious connections to Israel and the 9/11 terror attacks. Chertoff is now George Bush's embattled Homeland Security czar: Chertoff's claims about the Katrina debacle are as widely doubted as are his allegations against Duke.

The official report on the ceremony states: "Today, September 9, a senior academic council of twelve MAUP professors sat in judgment of Mr. Duke's doctoral dissertation and defense. The academics included some former high officials of the Ukrainian government. The council was headed by University Rector, Prof. Mykola Golavatiy, the former Minister for Ukrainian Youth Affairs. He is the MAUP First Vice-President of socio-scientific work. The rest of the academic council included the following members:

* Prof. Olga Babkina, head of MAUP's Presidential University. She is famous as the first Doctor of Political Sciences awarded in Ukraine (from the State University). (The discipline came into existence only after the fall of Soviet Communism).

* Prof. Oksana Rubliuk, PhD, Secretary of the council of Social Work and Political Science.

* Prof. Uriy Surmin, Deputy Director of the Institute of State Management under the President of Ukraine; a Professor in Social Sciences.

* Prof. Olexandr Antoniuk, Chief of MAUP's Ukrainian-Russian Management and Business Institute; a Doctor of Political Science.

* Prof. Volodymyr Sudakov, Director of Sociological Sciences; Doctor from Moscow State University and author of a number of influential books and scientific papers in Ukraine and in other Eastern European nations.

* Prof. Mylola Tulenkov, Vice-President of the Personnel Training Institute of the State Employment Service of the Work and Social Politics division of the Ministry of Ukraine.

* Prof. Igor Hzhniak, former government administrator, Doctor of Historical Sciences.

* Prof. Svetlana Kayanova, Chief of the Ukrainian-South African Institute of Political Leadership and Linguistics; philologist.

* Prof. Alla Padun, General Director and Executive Secretary of the Scientific Institute of International Education; PhD in biology.

* Prof. Alla Bilous, Chief of Scientific Personnel Department; head of MAUP Doctoral Program; PhD in History.

"During his doctoral defense Duke alleged that Jewish supremacism and extremism were becoming even more radical. He said that the extremists have taken over Israel to such a degree that 'Soon their only choices for a leader will be a mass murderer such as Ariel Sharon, of Sabra and Shatila -- or a maniac who wants to ethnically cleanse all of Palestine, Benjamin Netanyahu.'

"All the members of the Academic council agreed on the academic excellence of the dissertation and, after his successful defense, they unanimously voted to approve it and grant him the Doctor of Philosophy degree.

"Abraham Ribacoff said that Jews had to be concerned: In spite of the fact that David Duke fulfilled the technical academic requirements for the Doctorate, awarding such a degree and title was 'dangerous' because a legitimate doctoral degree adds authority to his statements and writings. 'The fact that David Duke now has the formal title of Dr. David Duke is maddening,' he said. 'It seriously hampers the intellectual struggle against anti-Semitism. Someone has to do something about MAUP; it is a national disgrace for Ukraine.'"

Chilling words indeed -- award a well-earned degree to a person whom the Jewish supremacists do not like, and "someone has to do something" about the university.

Those who believe in academic freedom and freedom of speech -- even those who do not agree with David Duke on any subject -- should condemn the words of Ribacoff and fight any punitive measures against the University or its leaders, who have done nothing wrong.

http://www.nationalvanguard.org/printer.php?id=6035
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Old September 9th, 2005 #2
Screwface
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Quote:
"Some members of the Jewish community, though, are afraid that such demands from Israel will be viewed as Israeli interference in the internal policies of Ukraine and will be seen as an attempt to stifle freedom of speech and political expression. They say they 'fear that such moves will only serve to validate the shrill claims of MAUP President Georgy Tchokin and David Duke that Israel wants to control all nations and seeks to stifle political freedom.'"
way to go Dave Duke! stifled this jew..
 
Old September 9th, 2005 #3
JimInCO
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Any news on who it was that tried to blow up Duke last week?
Not a peep about it in the jewsnews.

JimInCO
 
Old September 9th, 2005 #4
Alex Linder
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Congratulations to Duke, he has done exemplary work in Eastern Europe. Meanwhile, today the kikes were in D.C. talking down the First Amendment.
 
Old September 9th, 2005 #5
Furcht
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Quote:
Originally Posted by Alex Linder
Congratulations to Duke, he has done exemplary work in Eastern Europe. Meanwhile, today the kikes were in D.C. talking down the First Amendment.
Eastern Europe has more potential then the United States as it is more racially pure. Though it's sad hardly any WN leader can agree on anything, we shouldn't rely on a White Power Superman to be everywhere to fight the jews.
 
Old September 9th, 2005 #6
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Default Does anyone know of where this dissertation can be had?

Anybody who has it, or knows where to get it, please let this thread know.
 
Old September 9th, 2005 #7
John in Woodbridge
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Quote:
Originally Posted by Furcht
Eastern Europe has more potential then the United States as it is more racially pure. Though it's sad hardly any WN leader can agree on anything, we shouldn't rely on a White Power Superman to be everywhere to fight the jews.
It is far more probable that WN becomes a significant political movement in Russia and Eastern Europe rather than the US, which I think is going into the toilet fast.

Once it takes hold over there, most whites over here will jump on the bandwagon and the US will crack up along racial lines. The disintegration of ZOG will accelerate this process.

Anarchy strengthens tribalism greatly.
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Old September 9th, 2005 #8
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Quote:
Originally Posted by Alex Linder
Congratulations to Duke, he has done exemplary work in Eastern Europe. Meanwhile, today the kikes were in D.C. talking down the First Amendment.
Irony not missed.


Quote:
Originally Posted by Furcht
Eastern Europe has more potential then the United States as it is more racially pure. Though it's sad hardly any WN leader can agree on anything, we shouldn't rely on a White Power Superman to be everywhere to fight the jews.
Eastern europe has a more probability of turning anti-jew sooner. It does not have more potential, because with all due respect, victory in that part of the world does not matter. What matters to the White race worldwide is that White America throws off the jew. That is what counts, and I have talked with europeans who agree. If America throws off the jew the rest of the world will follow in a heartbeat. The fight against the jew will be won or lost in North America and nowhere else.
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Old September 9th, 2005 #9
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Congratulations to Mr. Duke! Well I guess it's Dr. Duke now!
 
Old September 9th, 2005 #10
Alex Linder
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[Duke opponent, long profile..]

The Education of Lance Hill

First he chooses his battles -- and then he fights them. Allen Johnson Jr. traces one man's path from labor organizer to No Dukes campaigner to author.

By Allen Johnson Jr

David Duke was out of federal prison and planning his own welcome-home party. Earlier this summer, the approaching Memorial Day weekend found Duke preparing for a three-day meeting of leading white supremacists, neo-Nazis and Holocaust deniers from North America and Europe, held in a Kenner hotel near the Louis Armstrong International Airport. Duke's Web site suggested that the fragmented Far Right would put aside longstanding differences to attack the "crisis" of low white birth rates. Duke himself would be giving the keynote address, his first since serving a 15-month prison sentence for admittedly swindling his political supporters out of hundreds of thousands of dollars that he blew on casino dice games.

Some 250 people ended up attending Duke's private "European-American Unity" weekend, according to The Associated Press. The Southern Poverty Law Center and other monitors of political extremists and hate groups view the conference as a potentially troublesome re-alignment. Over the course of the weekend, the controversial Liberty Monument in New Orleans was vandalized with anti-Duke graffiti. Someone splattered pink paint on a statue of Jefferson Davis.

Lance Hill is not impressed. An adjunct professor of history and director of a pro-tolerance program at Tulane University, Hill is widely credited with leading a grassroots campaign in the early 1990s that stopped Duke's most serious insurgency into American electoral politics. In back-to-back Louisiana campaigns for the United States Senate and then governor, Duke captured more than half the white vote in each contest, while losing both elections.

Hill, then a Tulane graduate student, led a nonprofit organization that exposed Duke as an unrepentant racist and neo-Nazi -- revelations that led to Duke's crushing defeat by former Gov. Edwin Edwards in 1991. As director of the Louisiana Coalition Against Racism and Nazism, Hill also documented Duke's history of questionable fundraising practices, which federal investigators used 10 years later as a template for their successful criminal probe of Duke.

Since then, whenever Duke and his cohorts try to recapture the public spotlight, journalists, researchers and opposition groups from across the country invariably call Hill for his view on what significance to attach to their activities.

Today, the answer is "not much."

"David Duke is the O.J. Simpson of the Klan," Hill says. "He's been widely discredited. The only novelty about him is that he's still around."

While he still responds to queries about Duke and his confederates, Hill says he has "moved on to life beyond Duke," enjoying a relatively low public profile since the heated campaigns that once thrust him into the international spotlight. He has earned his doctorate in history at Tulane, turning his dissertation into his first book, Deacons for Defense: Armed Resistance and the Civil Rights Movement, published earlier this summer by University of North Carolina Press.

Hill and Tulane historian Lawrence N. Powell, the former vice-chair of the Louisiana Coalition, still champion racial and religious tolerance, but their strategy has changed. "We have dug in for the long term," Hill says.


HILL WAS BORN IN 1950 IN BELLEVILLE, Kan., the fourth of seven children. His father was a maintenance mechanic at a local chemical plant, and a union organizer. His mother worked as a nurse at the local hospital. (A friend once said Hill got his determination from his father, and his compassion from his mother.) When Lance was 6, his family moved to Lawrence, the center of the state's anti-slavery movement during the Civil War.

Lawrence's public schools have been racially integrated since the Civil War -- Hill proudly notes that his grandmother attended classes with the black poet Langston Hughes. Still, segregation in Kansas took other forms. Belleville was a "sundown town," meaning that African Americans were not allowed to stay overnight in the all-white town. The public swimming pool was segregated in Lawrence, as were theaters and other facilities.

Hill can't recall there being a single moment when he suddenly questioned segregation, though his eighth-grade English teacher may have received the first clue. In 1962, at the age of 12, Hill took the lyrics from a song he heard on a television show and put them in a poem: "Red, yellow, / Black, white, / merely reflected light. / Our Lord is colorblind."

That same year, Hill took a job as a bus boy at the Kansas University student center. It was not long before Hill, the son of a union shop steward, tried to organize a bus boys' strike for higher pay. His supervisor, a college student, threatened to bring in his fraternity brothers as "scabs," Hill recalls with a chuckle. The effort failed.

Salting the boy's defeat was a reprimand from his parents, who wanted him to learn how to earn a living before sacrificing a job for his convictions.

Hill's initiation as an activist continued with a high school debate over the Vietnam War. During his sophomore year, Hill's history teacher assigned him to prepare an argument to oppose the conflict. He found some anti-war information on a table at the Kansas University student center. The material included an excerpt from the Congressional Record, in which several attorneys argued that the undeclared war violated several international treaties and laws.

Then came the day of the big debate. "I said I thought we should stay and fight but that the war was illegal," Hill recalls. "Then my history teacher got up and told the rest of the class to disregard everything I had just said. That was a turning point for me."

Hill began to question not only the war, but also other institutions and values -- and his teachers. "I became a skeptic of everything and a nuisance in the back of the class," Hill says with a smile.

In 1968, his senior year, he was elected student council president. He tried to desegregate a whites-only swimming pool, unsuccessfully. In 1969, he attended Kansas University and after one semester was expelled with nearly 40 other students for an anti-war demonstration. In the following years, Hill's high-profile anti-war and social justice actions led to several arrests, and a 21-month prison sentence on marijuana charges. He was released in 1973 and settled in Kansas City, Mo.

"Prison was a turning point for me," Hill says. "It exposed me to the plight of the powerless in society and intensified my commitment to social justice. And the time I had for extensive reading helped me to develop an intellectual self-discipline that has served me well as both an activist and scholar."

In Kansas City, Hill turned from protests to blue-collar labor organizing. He organized in "sweat shops" and factories, working as a welder, machinist, printer and an asbestos worker. Hill competed with Ku Klux Klan and neo-Nazi recruiters for his white co-workers at a time when jobs were being lost to industrialization and racial tensions were widespread.

"There was a big long table in the welding shop," he recalls. "There were Klansmen on one side and black nationalists and Muslim sympathizers on the other side, as well as tax resisters, Libertarians, and a scattering of black and white workers with no political affiliations." During lunch, they would read the paper and argue politics. "I learned most of what I know about the subtleties of racial consciousness there," Hill says. "I learned how to intervene and argue, intellectually and emotionally, away from racism and toward more tolerant, inclusive ideas, and how to organize people to work together."

Throughout the 1970s, he read about radical right groups. He also studied social movement theories and labor history, while scrutinizing his own leftward political leanings. In 1974, he met and fell in love with Eileen San Juan, an activist who shared his political passions. As the first of nine children born to a working-class background in Mobile, Ala., to attend college, San Juan also shared his background. They eventually married and headed south.


"WE MOVED TO LOUISIANA IN 1979, specifically to do anti-Klan work and labor organizing," Hill recalls. The young family lived in Hammond for two years. Eileen stayed home with their two children while Hill took a $4.30-an-hour welding job at a barge-building shipyard on the Northshore.

Hill's plans to organize the workers and fight the Klan met deep-rooted resistance. Working conditions at the shipyard were deplorable, he recalls. Men were forced to weld in the rain and work with few breaks. Safety violations were rampant; job protection was absent. Layoffs were based on favoritism. Blacks and whites ate separately. There were no black foremen or supervisors, and blacks were often relegated to the most undesirable and dangerous jobs. It was not uncommon for white workers to call black workers "niggers" to their faces.

The racial divide hampered Hills' labor organizing efforts. "I was trained to organize people around common ground," he says of his work in Kansas. Those lessons didn't apply in Louisiana. "You didn't have the dialogue between black and white workers needed to sustain an organization drive," he says.

Unschooled in racial customs of the South, he learned that he violated a social taboo by riding to work with a black co-worker. He also learned that his size and physical strength provided him with status and security. At 6-foot-3 and 290 lbs., he was one of the biggest men in a shipyard that employed several hundred men. When he crossed a racial "fault line," his co-workers simply dismissed him as a "crazy Yankee."

He wasn't in Kansas anymore. "I felt overwhelmed at the shipyard," Hill says. "It was difficult to have the kinds of discussions of contemporary politics and current events like I did in the North, in part because of the low education levels here." Hill recalls that when he took the required eye test for the shipyard, there were no letters on the chart. Instead, there were pictures of bunny rabbits and frogs. A test administrator explained that many workers -- black and white -- could not read the alphabet.

By the time he left the shipyard, Hill was losing faith "in the grand theories of socialism and the role of working class." He quit labor organizing. Yet he continued his anti-Klan activities. To learn more about right-wing extremists in Louisiana, Hill subscribed to newsletters from neo-Nazis in Kenner, as well as the Metairie-based National Association for the Advancement of White People (NAAWP), run by David Duke.

IN THE EARLY 1980s, the Hill family moved into a trailer in Marrero, then into a house in Algiers. Their son, Joel, was the only white student at L.B. Landry High School. It was a contrast to Hammond, where segregation forced Joel and his black friends to walk on separate sidewalks on certain streets.

Eileen took a job as a teacher in Orleans Parish Public Schools. Hill started a grass-cutting business and finished work on his bachelor's degree. He wrote stories for The Nation on Gov. Edwin Edwards' first racketeering trial and other topics, and intensified his studies of the radical right. "When I first moved here, I went out to Duke's NAAWP headquarters (in Metairie), posing as a sympathizer," Hill recalls. "He was very smooth." Duke gave Hill some literature, but "steered me away" from the pro-Nazi materials.

Hill distributed anti-Klan leaflets to young working-class whites on the West Bank and the Lakefront. He found that most were sympathetic to the Klan.

By 1987, Hill's list of causes grew to include the anti-nuclear and anti-apartheid movements. "But I was still searching to find myself, politically," he says. "So, I did what I suppose all organizers and activists do when they are confused -- I went to graduate school."

He entered Tulane's history department, receiving a tuition-free fellowship. He worked as an archivist for the Amistad Research Center for black history. Unlike most students, Hill knew his dissertation topic -- the Deacons for Defense -- when he entered graduate school.

"Lance always knew what he wanted to know," says Powell, a professor of Southern history and Hill's adviser. "He could read things with a critical eye. He was intellectually self-made."

Physically imposing in a shipyard, Hill proved intellectually challenging in a classroom. "He came out of a tradition of radical activism of the Left and his arguments tended toward the polemical," Powell says. "He had to learn how to be more balanced and objective."

At times, he could be stubborn. "I was always surprised that, on occasion, the professors knew more than I did," Hill jokes. "Seriously, though, the Tulane faculty were enormously gifted scholars and generous with their time. I learned to respect the craft of history. Graduate school taught me to be fair and balanced and to let the truth speak for itself."

In December 1988, Duke announced he would run in a special election to represent Metairie in the Louisiana House of Representatives (House District 81). Duke switched from the right-wing Populist Party to the GOP. He ran as a moderate Republican, opposed to welfare spending, affirmative action and higher taxes.

By then, Hill had amassed a disturbing file on Duke, which he disseminated to the media. Despite leaving the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan over a mailing list scandal in 1980, Duke's neo-Nazi philosophy remained intact. His NAAWP newsletter continued to advocate extremist ideas such as dividing North America into separate racial nations, using genetic engineering to create a "master race," and defending neo-Nazi terrorists.

But the media focused on Duke's more distant past with the KKK, which he had already repudiated. Meanwhile, Powell says, hard economic times and a crack cocaine epidemic in New Orleans fueled Duke's appeal.

Powell lived in House District 81 at the time and organized a grass roots campaign against Duke. Hill helped. The campaign transformed Hill and Powell's relationship from professor-and-student to political colleagues. On the campaign trail, they met two people who would play major roles in what became a four-year movement to stop Duke -- the Rev. James L. Stovall and Elizabeth Rickey.

Stovall, executive director of the Louisiana Interchurch Conference in Baton Rouge, had served as a pastor to a Methodist church in Metairie. Rickey, a graduate student in political science at Tulane and a member of the Republican State Central Committee, was campaigning for Duke's main opponent: Republican John Treen, brother of former Gov. David Treen.

"I was introduced to Lance by John Treen," Rickey recalls. "I was conducting research for the campaign. John called and said, ŚThere's a guy that found this map that Duke had published and it segregates the United States. You've got to get that map.'"

While Hill networked, Duke's blue-and-white signs mushroomed around Metairie. On Jan. 20, 1989, Duke placed first in the primary then beat Treen in the run-off. A Times-Picayune editorial the next day called Duke's election an "embarrassment," but urged that Duke "be given a chance to grow, to change, to see the error of his ways." The paper went on: "If in the coming months, Mr. Duke is not able to show that he is no longer a racist, then every effort should be made to defeat him at the next regular legislative election."

Hill and Powell's group did not want to wait that long. Duke clearly had greater ambitions and his breakthrough to political legitimacy soon became apparent. Schoolteachers were taking children to the Legislature to see Rep. Duke in action.

After the election, Stovall took the lead in building the ad hoc No Dukes group into the Louisiana Coalition. Hill and Rickey teamed up to prove Duke had not forsaken his neo-Nazi past. Rickey followed Duke to Chicago where he addressed his old Populist Party followers, including neo-Nazis and skinheads. A month later, Hill and Rickey revealed Duke was selling Nazi and racist literature from his legislative office in Metairie. Duke defended the practice but agreed to stop selling the pro-Nazi material.

"Lance came up with the idea for me to buy the Nazi books at the NAAWP bookstore," Rickey recalls, laughing. "Lance was the brains behind everything." The disclosure revived the issue of Duke's duplicity and extremism, especially among other legislators.

In the fall of 1989, The Louisiana Coalition Against Racism and Nazism was formally organized. "It was a very odd little coalition of very conservative Republicans and liberal Democrats," Hill recalls. Stovall was named chair, and Powell became vice-chair. Emmet Bashful, chancellor of historically black Southern University at New Orleans, became secretary. Jane Buchsbaum, executive director of the Jewish Federation of New Orleans, served as treasurer. Hill was named director.

In November, Duke announced his candidacy for the U.S. Senate. The next month, the Coalition released a taped interview from the previous month in which Duke opined that the United States should not have entered World War II and that he still supported a racially divided America. In December, Hill ghostwrote a motion for the censure of Duke, which Rickey introduced at a meeting of the state GOP party leadership. Her motion failed 126-8. Rickey wanted to quit the GOP.

"But Lance convinced me to stay in," Rickey says. "He said I would be more effective holding this office than if I quit. He was absolutely right."

The campaigns were emotionally harder on Rickey, Hill says. "She paid a very dear price for her stand. It was easier for people like me whose friends supported and encouraged their work. But Beth was out on the plank by herself."

The first half of 1990 proved especially frustrating for the Coalition. Members often heard the argument that public opposition to Duke would win support for him. With few exceptions, and for reasons the Coalition could not fathom, there was a virtual media embargo of Duke during the first six months of 1990. "And polls showed this was the period when his support grew most," Hill says. "He was like a mushroom; he grew in the dark. Once the media began to cover him, his political support stopped increasing."

Journalists poured into Louisiana from around the world, using Hill's strategic research as the main source of revelations about Duke. "Lance was really the driving force behind the ŚStop Dukes' movement," Powell says. "He was like a man of the hour. He saw the big picture. He could also think strategically and tactically. And he would give great spin."

When a reporter asked Hill what he would do if Duke won the Louisiana governor's race, Hill cheerfully replied he would "seek political asylum in Mississippi."

Duke captured 60 percent of the white vote in his losing bid for the Senate in 1990 and 55 percent of the white vote in his unsuccessful bid for governor in 1991. With the world looking on, Edwin Edwards trounced Duke, 61 to 39 percent of the overall vote. The Coalition closed the following year. Duke tried to mount a comeback in the 1996 governor's race, but dropped out after polling only 3 percent in the primary. "The key to defeating Duke was to break the illusion of the white consensus," Hill says.


HILL SAID HE LEARNED A NUMBER OF LESSONS from the No Dukes movement. "You have to have ordinary people step out of their ordinary lives and do extraordinary things, because that convinces the racists that there will be a high price to pay if they win," he says. "That's why I said during the governor's race that Duke could win, but he couldn't govern. The state would have become ungovernable."

In Deacons for Defense: Armed Resistance and the Civil Rights Movement, Hill challenges liberal myths and icons as deftly as he once challenged David Duke.
Second, "Being right and smart is not enough to win."

Third, people are attracted to "moral absolutes, not political platitudes." Says Hill: "It was important for us to organize the campaign against Duke to give people a feeling that they were part of a movement -- not a political campaign. Our goal was a movement to stop all Dukes."

Fourth, distinguish between "conservatives" and "fascists." During the Duke campaigns, conservative and liberals put aside differences on social and fiscal issues to defeat Duke, Hill notes.

On a personal level, Hill says, the campaigns taught him that he had to work with people from all political perspectives. "The Duke campaigns also made me less concerned with transforming society than simply defending the basic rights and liberties of people. I think Beth (Rickey) was trying to do the same thing, from the conservative side."

Stovall, the "moral compass" of the Louisiana Coalition, died several years after the campaign. Hill grieved his loss: "Without question, he is the human being I respected most in my life. In my eyes, he is the most important political figure in 20th Century Louisiana politics. The problem is that people don't write books about wars that didn't happen, or waters that don't breech the levees." It was Stovall, Hill says, who prevented the rise of fascism in Louisiana.

Hill eulogized Stovall at his funeral: "Jimmy saw the good in everyone, even when it wasn't there."

AFTER THE CAMPAIGNS, Hill and Powell took steps to address long-term issues that the Duke era had revealed. "The Duke phenomenon alerted people to the level of racial and religious bigotry in Louisiana," Hill says. "The problem was not Duke, it was the public's indifference to Duke's scapegoating of minorities."

In 1993, seeing a need to promote critical thinking and "inclusive values," Hill and Powell co-founded the Southern Institute for Education and Research at Tulane. The Institute has two major free programs, serving Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama and the Florida panhandle. The tolerance-education program for K-12 teachers and students uses case studies of the Nazi Holocaust and the civil rights movement to teach the causes and consequences of bigotry. More than 3,000 teachers, who every year teach half a million students, have attended the workshops. Designed and directed by Plater Robinson (grandson of renowned civic activist Martha Robinson), the tolerance program also teaches the "moral imperative" of speaking out against the suffering of others, Hill says.

The second program, cross-cultural communication training, serves churches, community groups, and government and law enforcement agencies. "The goal is to help people work more effectively across racial and ethnic lines," Hill says. "It is an educational, not a political agenda. We don't tell people what to think, we just help them to think."

In Deacons for Defense: Armed Resistance and the Civil Rights Movement, Hill deepens his analysis of race and class conflicts in Louisiana. Deacons recounts the history of a political organization of armed, working-class black men in Bogalusa and other areas of rural Louisiana and Mississippi who successfully confronted the Klan. In the book, Hill challenges liberal "myths" that non-violence and the Rev. Martin Luther King alone persuaded the nation to abandon racial segregation. "Moral appeals to the conscience of the white majority only went so far," Hill says. The threat of force and coercion by groups like the Deacons was vital to the success of the civil rights movement, he argues.

Hill clearly champions the political and organizational skills of the Deacons, men with little formal education, who fought the "terrorist" KKK for basic constitutional rights and liberties -- including the Second Amendment rights to bear firearms. That might unnerve liberals. But Hill also reminds conservatives that the National Rifle Association refused to come to the aid of armed blacks trying to defend their homes.

Writing in the Chicago Tribune, Pulitzer Prize-winning historian David J. Garrow gave qualified praise to Hill's account of the Deacons. "His thorough and original history of the Deacons for Defense Š is more than an impressive account of a now-obscure group that left no written records," Garrow writes. "The Deacons for Defense is also a forceful, though sometimes overstated, challenge to the shelfful of civil rights histories that tell a story in which nonviolence was indeed an essential and defining quality of the Southern movement's success."

Hill says he wrote about the Deacons because they've been omitted from the "official narrative" of the civil rights movement. "It was a story of courage in the face of bloody and savage violence and it was a story that had to be told because it hadn't been told," he says. "How could a people who played such an important role in history be left out of the history? These men succeeded where others had failed and I thought there had to be important lessons for similar movements today."

Hill says the 10-year book project was an extension of his work as a life-long activist. "Ideas and memory are important for social movements to be successful," he says.

Politically, Hill confesses that he is still an enigma to himself. "Lance is a small Śd' Democrat from the tradition of philosopher John Dewey Š and he can understand where both blacks and whites are coming from," Powell says.

Rickey suggests that Hill will continue to challenge liberal and conservative thinkers alike. "He is a person of character, moral courage and a fighter for the rights of those that can't speak for themselves," Rickey says.

"He still wants to change the world," says Powell.

Yet the lines are drawn differently now. The remnants of the Far Right should always be monitored as a threat, Hill says, but Duke no longer merits media attention. "He's had his 15 minutes of infamy," Hill says. "Today, hate is not the problem; it's indifference. I think indifference to the public education of African-American youth is a moral crime. The indifference to suffering is the new form of racism."

http://www.bestofneworleans.com/disp...ver_story.html
 
Old September 9th, 2005 #11
Alex Linder
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Hill is a terrorist, and, just like terrorist Israel, can have no grounds for complaint when he is terrorized in return.
 
Old September 9th, 2005 #12
Alex Linder
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The only part morality played in "civil rights" was that the ubiquitous, uniform jew-controlled media were able to persuade a small sliver of normal whites either that anti-White law was a good thing, or that at it wouldn't do too much harm. The main reason anti-White law was passed was that the government shot people who resisted, and encouraged violence against resisters.
 
Old September 9th, 2005 #13
Alex Linder
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Jews pushed through their "civil rights" anti-White laws by intimidating people.

They pushed them through by means of sheer physical intimidation backed by media coverage pretending it wasn't happing and lying about the joyful results.

Anti-White law called "civil rights" is the direct product of terrorism.
 
Old September 12th, 2005 #14
VLC
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even with the US supported Yuschenko government there's more intellectual freedom in the Ukraine than in the USA.

Duke is a good writer but in his radio show he speaks like he has to apologize for being a WN, i.e. "We're not haters, we don't want to oppress anyone, we don't this, we don't that...", and the list goes on for 2 minutes until he finally says "we just want to preserve our heritage and our freedom". Bleh. He doesn't speak like a fighter who wants to win.
 
Old September 12th, 2005 #15
T. Kadijevic
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Congrats to David Duke for being recognized. And at the same time offending jewish leaders.....like killing two birds with one stone :cheers:
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