[Alex Linder]

Mapping Ultra-Right Extremism, Xenophobia and Racism within the Greek State Apparatus (2012), report from the Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung.

Golden Dawn leaders were arrested after this 100-page report sponsored by a German-jew-communist-named association came out. Notice the "mapping." Given technology, leftists can now witch-hunt at the ultimate level of granularity: right down to the individual witch. Can identify his name and location, for easiest capture and burning. The five analysts inspect the church, police, judiciary and military for guilt of loyalty to Greece rather than the anti-white New World Order proper elites are supposed to be a-borning. There's also an overview of Greek history. You can read the report in full online free here:

http://rosalux-europa.info/userfiles...ing_A4_WEB.pdf

The decentralized administrative model of the Greek Orthodox Church (at least compared to the Roman Catholic church) enables individualChurch officials not only to say practically whatever they like, but also to form coalitions with ultra-right political strategies, either because they feel this is a good way to consolidate their presence and power among the clergy, or simply because they really think this is the right thing to do. The result is that some Greek priests have successfully claimed a vital space within political discourse from which they do not underplay but consciously uphold an ultra-right political orientation. In this sense, the speech of the Church is very easy to penetrate, because it does not bother to hide. On the other hand, a very different situation evidently obtains with the police, and even more so with the military and the judiciary.

You think I'm kidding or exaggerating when I talk about witch-hunting? The mentality expressed in the supposedly objective, analytical writing above is in fact exactly that. The left passes laws and levies social pressure against reasonable views, and then, when people retain those views internally while clamming up publicly, redoubles its efforts to root them out because their fear and hiding show they know what they are. The paranoid, hateful mindset of leftism is thus reinforcing.

As with any report from leftists, assumptions on which the analysis is based won't be questioned but assumed. It is assumed you are a nazi if you want normal things like borders for your country, or queers in the closet. That has to be understood. This is no neutral analysis.

Leftists are minority -- small-minority -- partisans who keep up the bluff that they alone represent every high quality of mentation. They are the normal, and anyone opposed has emotional problem (hater is the term they invariably use) representing a political danger (extremist is the term they invariably use). Leftism is the politics of chutzpah, essentially. Brazen lying without cease is the m.o.

Control of the media and the other official vectors is the strategy.

Let us not forget that in the last century Greece has seen more constitutional aberrations than any other supposedly comparable European country. This is a country where the appeal to “danger” has always functioned as a pretext for the abrogation of constitutions and guarantees on liberties, with Greek security forces and the military in the vanguard of such abolitions.

The impunity granted to Nazi violence, whether as a product of tolerance due to affiliation or of distance due to fear, is truly without precedent in the European context

Yet this violence is never documented. The left, which includes the entire global media, with complete uniformity in point of view, is reduced to seizing on a crime here and there, say a beating, that might have been done by Golden Dawn. If this violence they talk about were as widespread as they say, they would have much better examples to draw from. Then flip it around: this same media ignore crimes
committed by the illegal aliens who are already more than 10% of the population, and already being used by the left as they are in all the other white countries by the ruling jews: to elect a new people. The jews in conjunction with local sellouts, local traitors, conspire to destroy the Greek or Australian or US nation by browning the white population out of existence. That is what is actually going on. Complaining about any political force that rises to resist this is necessary to the project. Any white normals who come together to protect (Greece) will be called Nazis by the jew-led global leftists trying to destroy the nation, in order to make use of a stereotype they've invested decades in promoting, and to scare normal citizens away from seeing where their true interests lie.

Let the following pages be read not just as evidence for mapping the ultra-right within the Greek State, but primarily as evidence of the pressing need to develop a different strategy for resetting the country.

Leftists see people as livestock to be managed. Non-leftist solutions or conceptions are off the table as 'hate.' The left is instinctively totalitarian. It disguises this by harping on about 'democracy.' The part of the small-minority has no incentive to operate cleanly, as it will lose. It must disguise its nature and intent in order to get over on the people. Thus all its political terms are simple reverses. Starting with liberalism. Liberals are illiberal. Those preaching tolerance are the most intolerant out there. Those preaching sensitivity display none themselves. It is like this with every term leftists coin or use and popularize. Most important to realize: it must be this way. Or the left has no chance. A small-minority position such as leftism represents cannot win open, honest contests. It can only win through deception and allied dark practices.

The political dynamic behind the ultra-right today very clearly combines certain historical features with more general developments in the country’s recent European history.

The three dictatorships, two civil wars and six interstate wars that marked the country’s political and constitutional life during the “short 20th century” were also manifestations of the social and political divisions that shook the entire European continent and took on frenzied form especially in those nation-states founded in the geographical space dominated less than a century earlier by the German, Austro-Hungarian, Russian and Ottoman Empires.

- Metaxis dictatorship in 1936

The second period of the occupation (1943-1944) was characterized by the development of the third and most massive fascist current in Greek history, formed largely by the occupation-organized Security Battalions (about 30,000 to 40,000 armed men in southern Greece and 10,000 to 20,000 in northern Greece) and the various local anti-communist organizations that after the war became an indispensable part of the dominant power bloc – the bloc of “national-mindedness”. During that crucial turn, different royalist and anti-royalist milieus started to converge in the defence of the country’s so-called “social regime”.

- immigration was made illegal in 1991, but invasion was massive. Cops were left to deal with it. No other department did.

When immigration is illegal, immigrant populations are exposed to organized crime, which comes to substitute for the absent State. Technological restructuring, new equipment, the creation of new special task forces and the like unfortunately could not prevent a spectacular rise in crime during those years. The changes in some types of crime compared to the 1980s are astonishing. This increase in criminal activity, which is at the same time a typical and sometimes misleading leitmotif in various interpretations of the Greek 1990s, is not unrelated to immigration, precisely because the way of (non) reception of immigrants throughout the 1990s permits organized crime to act in an open field.

Since the 1990s, there has been an increase in crimes against property, a consolidation of the leisure industry, prostitution, human trafficking and, of course,
drug trafficking. These years also mark a rearrangement of the traditional Greek underworld, which naturally caused trouble in the affiliations traditionally entertained between these circles and the security forces. The change brought to the human geography of crime in Greece, through the emergence of foreign circuits and links in the chain of organized crime, disorders whatever equilibrium there had been in the internal market between the underworld and the police. In this way, dominant racist views of a possible connection of immigration and criminal behaviour that had been (and still are) inherent in major parts of Greek society are even more accentuated within the Hellenic Police, because these were the people who immediately and personally faced the problem in its most acute form.

Undoubtedly, the basic elements of ultra-right ideology (racism, sexism, nationalism) are widespread within the Hellenic Police.

In a historical juncture when all Greek workers, including police officers, must live through devaluation, austerity and various dead-ends (while non-workers experience total frustration), the security forces stand inherently and systematically
against them whenever social protest reaches a certain point of tension. At these borderline moments, the only political party that pets the security forces is Golden Dawn. This delivers the pay-off in the traditional elective affinity between the hard core of “indignant citizens” and parts of the security forces who see a credible ally in these strata. The transition of Golden Dawn to the political and electoral mainstream releases and legitimizes the dynamic expressed in the 2012 elections, thereby making the neo-Nazi party the most genuine expression of police indignation towards society and the State.

Law 2622/1998 instituted police services for the protection of the borders. The sole
duties of these new services were supposed to be to prevent foreign nationals from illegally entering Greece, to track them down, arrest them, or refoul them. The Border Guardsare mainly concerned with illegal immigration. Unlike graduates of the Police Officers Academy and the Police Constables Academy, they are graduates of secondary education and are recruited through a mixed system of employment credits, interviews and other requirements (physical ability, psychometric tests, etc.). They are employed for a five-year service. Under Law 2734/1999, passed one year later, the Ministry of Public Order instituted regular positions for Special Guards, with the task of protecting stationary targets. This group is recruited through a system of objective evaluation and employment credits (Article 3, para. 5). Many special guards are former members of the Army Special Forces, as service there boosts their evaluation.

Finally published in April 2013, the Muižnieks Report32 is an unprecedented blow for
Greece, bringing the issue of racist violence and police impunity to the forefront. Its formulations are anything other than discreet. The Commissioner “regrets that rhetoric stigmatizing migrants has often been used in Greek politics, including by high-level politicians”, and explicitly mentions the prime minister, who in November 2012 spoke before his party’s parliamentary fraction of “an on-going ‘recuperation’ by the Greek authorities of city centres from irregular migrants who had ‘occupied’ them and subjected them to their ‘illegal activities’” (para. 23). The report mentions similar statements by the political superior of the Hellenic Police, the minister of public order, who said: “the country perishes. Ever since the Dorians’ invasion 4 000 years ago, never before has the country been subjected to an invasion of these dimensions…. this is a bomb on the foundations of the society and the State” (para. 24).

If one wishes to talk responsibly about ultra-right and racist violence tolerated by or – worse – actively abetted by the Hellenic Police, then it is highly important to underline what many democratic police officers told us during our research: that in the last instance the tone is not set by Golden Dawn, but first and foremost by the government itself. After all, “the Dorians’ invasion” as a metaphor for immigration was not (only) used by the leader of Golden Dawn, but (also) by the minister responsible for the police. This is a message that straightforwardly legitimizes racist violence, and at the same time totally represses the racist motive as a possible motive of criminal acts. To highlight an issue as a political priority, as has been done with immigration in Greece the last few years – and most certainly so by the current government – gives fuel to arbitrary practices by police and, of course, serves to incubate ultra-right political ideology; in its national socialist version, no less.

- the leftist strategy is to grant a nation may control its borders, but attack viciously any attempt to do so. leftist media organs always take the side of the illegal invader against the native. always is not an overstatement, it is precisely true.

In early 2013, the Departments and Offices Against Racist Violence were put to work inside the Hellenic Police. Now, any Greek or foreign citizen can report racist attacks
by calling 11414.

According to this argument, Golden Dawn would like the present government to fail and a left government to come as quickly as possible to power so that this can also fail, creating an opportunity for Golden Dawn soon after. The long-term goal, however, is the trans-historical goal of the Nazis: to overthrow democratic government, a form of government Golden Dawn has typically rejected. The relevant policy here recalls the historically tested formula of ultra-right extremism – the strategy of tension, which fuels people’s fear of a particular social group by dividing and manipulating public opinion through terror, propaganda and provocation.

For those who disagree with this strategic choice, the challenge ahead is twofold:
First, to undermine the culture that forms the background of the consolidation of ultra-right ideology in the Hellenic Police; and, second, to stop communications with pockets of ultra-right extremism both inside and outside the police. The former is a matter of education. The latter is a matter of punishment. Both are a matter of will.

A discourse on prison cannot avoid that foreigners now constitute the main population of prisons nowadays. According to the latest data of the Ministry of Justice, found in the explanatory statement to Law 4043/2012, foreign prisoners make up about 7,000 out of a total 12,500 prisoners in the country. This over-representation of foreigners is inversely proportionate to the foreign population in Greece, as well as to their absolute participation in crime. This should be a commonplace by now.

To summarize all of the above in a phrase that may seem provocative but certainly
not untrue, we could say that in present-day Greece, you may well be a racist and a Nazi, because the Greek judiciary believes that this is protected freedom of speech. Yet you may never be blasphemous. In that case, Nazis along with fundamentalists are free to attack you, and, what is more, the judiciary is free to prosecute you as well...

A prompt order by the prosecutor called for the disclosure online of mug shots, identities and private medical data – that is, their seropositivity – and initiated criminal prosecution against the women.

- the nature of crime changed when aliens came in. terrorism, drugs, human trafficking, street vendors.

Greece has also failed to pass the legal amendments required for European case-law to be integrated without obstruction into the decisions issued by the Greek courts.

- it is clear that in greece a larger share of the judiciary is on the side of the natives than in perhaps any other white country

Shortly after the reformed Greek Citizenship Code was instituted (Law 3838/2010),
77 an Athens attorney (the same person who had joined other members of Golden
Dawn in the aforementioned complaint that led to Savvas Michail’s criminal prosecution) filed before the Council of State asking the revocation of various provisions of the law. The Fourth Chamber of the Council of State, found the application admissible in its Decision No. 350/2011 and sent the case to the Plenary Session to judge the constitutionality of these provisions. The distinctive features of the Fourth Chamber’s decision regarding Law 3838/2010 are the following: a) the nation is conceived as a self-contained legal fact, separate from the people and materialized through the Constitution; b) the law of blood is elevated to the status of a Constitutional principle; c) because of the above, only an individual judgment on the “consciousness” of the person requesting Greek citizenship may give them a position among the Greek people, as long as the interested person’s parents have lived more than five years in Greece and the interested person has completed six years attendance in a Greek school; d) finally, since public authority is at stake in local elections, the franchise is limited to Greek citizens.

The distinction between the notions of people and nation on which the decision is based is not entirely new in Greek constitutional law, as it had been tested theoretically by the constitutional jurists of the Metaxas regime, who had to conclude by any means necessary that all authority in Greece emanates not from the people, but from the nation – and thus that national will may contradict popular will. This view is contrary to the democratic view of political community, instead favouring the metaphysical idea of nation over the political one. The law of blood, namely the acquisition of children’s citizenship through their parents, is an institution of the Greek legal order, as well as of virtually every legal order in the world. However, it is legally unprecedented to invest the “law of blood” with the status of a constitutional principle and claim that its violation leads to the “degeneration of the nation”.

In the aftermath of the assassination of the 34-year-old anti-fascist musician Pavlos Fyssas by the neo-Nazis of Golden Dawn, it was revealed, among other things, that members of this organization had received unofficial training from military officers. Just one week later, a group called the Special Forces Reserve Officers Community (SFROC) announced online its intent to stage a coup d’etat within the week. This was seen as a factor of further destabilization, and mobilized the judiciary. On 28 September 2013, the announced day of the coup, there was of course no “establishment of a national emergency government under the President of the Supreme Court and guaranteed by the Armed Forces”, as the SFROC had demanded. What happened instead on that day was something unprecedented in Greek history in the period since the 1974 transition (the period of the “Changeover”). Security forces carried out the arrest of Nikos Michaloliakos, a member of parliament and the leader of Golden Dawn, as well as four other Golden Dawn MPs (out of a total of eighteen in parliament), and thirteen other leading members of the neo-Nazi party.

- the ongoing debate (and contingency planning) concerning the demarcation of an Exclusive Economic Zone in the Aegean

On the other hand, the “democratic integration” of the military and, in parallel, the Greek ultra-right’s progressive abandonment since 1990 of its self-definition as a camp of junta-lovers do not mean that the military is excluded from the ultra-right political imaginary. The exact opposite is the case. Suffice it to mention here that the most important annual mobilization of Golden Dawn to date has been the anniversary of the Imia/Kardak dispute of 1996. This annual rally, though it began as a marginal one, has in the last few years mobilized 3,000 to 5,000 ultra-right supporters.

These incidents confirm that during all this time there has always been a “special” and multi-dimensional relationship of the Greek ultra-right with the “hardest” of the State’s mechanisms.

According to Alexa.com, which tracks macroscopic international trends on the Web, as of 8 August 2013 Defencenet was the 30th most popular website in Greece and indexed by 2,395 other Web pages. Defensenet.gr appears to be favourable to Golden Dawn and often publishes communiqués by the organization, even in matters of national defence.

At the same time, and despite its favour for an outfit as anti-Semitic as Golden Dawn, Defensenet.gr does not hesitate to hail the energy agreement between Greece, Cyprus and Israel as a “historic” one, in line with Golden Dawn’sofficial position. Let us note, by the way, that the neo-Nazi party does not question the Greek pro-Israel foreign policy, thus adopting discretely the official Greek defence strategy.

The SFROC call for a coup on 28 September 2013 reminded that the main mechanism of influence for the Greek ultra-right is in the nationalist reserve officers’ clubs.

it did not dismiss the chief of Armed Forces General Staff, General Michalis Kostarakos, who via Twitter had unbecomingly saluted the racist provision brought to the Parliament by 85 New Democracy MPs suggesting that all entrants to military and police schools be ‘of Hellenic origin’”

The same chief of the general staff, Kostarakos was all over the press again a few days later, as Democratia, the newspaper close to the prime minister’s milieu, noted approvingly that on “the night of Holy Saturday, the Paschal troparion chanted by Archbishop Ieronymos was ‘covered’ by the National Anthem chanted vigorously by the contingent of the Naval Academy”. According to the newspaper, Kostarakos congratulated, again via Twitter, “the contingents of Military Schools that manfully chanted the National Hymn last night in Athens, during the liturgy of the Resurrection”, claiming that these students had acted upon an… order issued by Kostarakos himself, two years earlier112. The newspaper’s overtones and of course this statement by Kostarakos had obvious political implications, as the Greek-Orthodox archbishop is highly unpopular in right-wing and ultra-right milieus because of his more tolerant views on immigration. The “covering” of his voice was a symbolic challenge to his power and an expression of antagonism to the institutional representation of widespread anti-Memorandum and anti-parliamentary sentiments.

... a growing competition for influence inside the military between New Democracy and Golden Dawn. In one of its many questions in the Parliament regarding uniformed officers’ pay cuts, with which Golden Dawn tries to promote itself as the most loyal “syndicalist” of the security forces and particularly the military,

The purpose of our research has been to identify the currents that connect the military with a process of reversal of the democratization signaled by the Changeover – a reversal that, in conditions of crisis and an extensive “creative destruction”, takes on fascist features. We have documented this role by showing synergies between parts of the military and the ultra-right that confirm two trends: a) a “violation of the boundary” between war and peace; and b) a “violation of the boundary” between the military’s “political neutrality” and its active participation in political life and internal security against the internal and “outside-inside” enemy. We have privileged the terms “trends” or “currents” because, on the one hand, we did not want to underestimate certain “isolated incidents”; while, on the other, we did not want to suggest that these phenomena are dominant and the ensuing situation is final – far from it.

It is telling that a few days after Metaxas’ dictatorship had been declared, the Church, in its magazine of the same name (Ekklisia), in a text entitled “The Prime Minister’s Reveille”, wrote in praise of Metaxas, mentioning that the President of the Government (he was not referred to as a dictator) had assessed the communist danger seriously threatening the Greek people, and that it was the first time that such a view – which would shape the future of Greece – was officially expressed.
119

The Changeover, in other words, did not touch the Church at all, which kept up with its work and its presence without ever being “dejuntaized”, not even for the sake of
appearances.

The fact that Greek priests are public servants should normally be a constraining factor regarding the expression of ultra-right positions on their part. Yet nothing of the kind ever took place. On the contrary, they have always used and still use the privileges of their State position in order to reproduce such views. The Greek particularity lies specifically in this.

... in 1980, then Bishop of Corinth Panteleimon published a small book entitled Jews and Christians, which was also published in English in 1984. There he claimed that Jews try to corrupt religious people, and that they hate Christians and also Hellenism (1984: 12). In the same context, he pointed out that during the Ottoman Empire the Jews were allying with the Turks and tortured Christians, while during the 1821 revolution they had taken sides with the Turks (1984: 30-31). Finally, referring to the Israeli State, he considered it a fabrication and a threat to humanity (1984: 39-49).

The problem lies in the fact that some priests, by virtue of their position, think that they can say whatever they want without having to answer to anyone.

...the Church never turns against the immigrant as a person; the person who suffers often enjoys the Church’s charity, and this should not be underestimated. The Special Synodical Committee for Immigrants, Refugees and Repatriates is tangible proof of a radically different ecclesiastical speech and action to the one analyzed here.

For those familiar with the neo-Nazi field, Golden Dawn has never been a group with an Orthodox background and faith. A number of their older texts prove that they were more amenable to the ancient Greek religion of the Dodecatheon (twelve gods), and in some cases Northern pagan worship, than to the Orthodox Christian faith (Psarras 2012: 211-232). Of course, after Golden Dawn entered the political stage, and clearly for reasons of canvassing, this past was forgotten. Through public statements and texts on the party’s website, an effort has been made for it to appear as a protector of Orthodox church and tradition. Like all political forces that get stronger, the neo-Nazis chose to flatter some priests of the Church of Greece. And, instead of repelling them, the priests enjoyed it too...

The Church of Greece is like a multi-faceted power party in which everyone says pretty much what they want, while being essentially driven by power. More particularly, the administration system of the Church is synodical, very different from that of the Catholic Church, for instance.

This means that control is harder. Yet the fact remains that the basic issue is the maintenance of balance inside the hierarchy, and this is why there cannot be an institutional intervention or even a condemnation regarding what the different bishops say.

to retain the Church’s privileges in relation to the Greek State

- the church clergy are bureaucrats - formal parts of the state. they want equal wages and benefits and privileges if they can get them.

This publication was sponsored by the German Federal Foreign Office.

http://rosalux-europa.info/userfiles...ing_A4_WEB.pdf