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Old March 12th, 2014 #6
RickHolland
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Of course, the NSWPP had already contended with two potentially dangerous splits: Frank Collin's foundation of the National Socialist Party of America in Chicago in 1970, and Dr. Pierce's defection, also in that year.

The schismatic days of 1967-68 could also be mentioned. However, the desertion of Joe Tommasi, Western District Leader, in October 1973 made it clear that there was a leadership crisis in the NSWPP.

Tommasi resigned just as the oil crisis was getting underway and raised the question of Koehl's infirmities of leadership. Further, according to a Nazi source there was supposed personal rivalry between Koehl and Tommasi of an obscure nature, which festered throughout 1973. The Nazi Commander, anxious to "discipline" his subordinate, further exacerbated the division. (70)

In October 1973, the greater part of the Los Angeles unit of the NSWPP, along with sections of other units, seceded under Tommasi's leadership to establish the National Socialist Liberation Front. While other schismatics had been largely isolated, many NSWPP members had sympathy for Tommasi. As the months rolled on, and the NSWPP failed to capitalize on the oil crisis, many Nazis abandoned Koehl for Tommasi.

Even so, the NSLF began its life as a Nazi sect with some regret for it wished to patch up differences with the NSWPP. (71) Koehl would not yield. In its journal, 'Siege,' the NSLF expressed its dissatisfaction with the NSWPP, the "old party."

The NSWPP was dismissed as an unsuitable political vehicle since its leaders were "bureaucrats," and not "mass propagandists". Koehl was personally reproached for using the "leadership principle" to run the party himself. It was argued that the NSWPP held to the illusion that violence was not necessary to achieve Nazi goals.

The NSLF also charged, that the NSWPP was foolish to wait for the masses to rush to the party for salvation. It claimed that the NSWPP was dogmatic rather than pragmatic in its tactics and ideology, and that the middle-class leaders did not understand the psychology of the ordinary man. Nor was the party administration efficient. (72)

There was something to the NSLF's charges. From October 1973, the NSWPP was in a state of siege, surrounded by new schismatics. Koehl's method of dealing with schismatics was ineffective. In 1967 he ignored their arguments, denounced them as "psychopaths" and built the party. They usually faded from the scene.

By 1974, this stratagem was moth-eaten for the heretics had become too numerous, and, if Koehl opted to build the party he risked the creation of new regional centers of opposition. The initiative was slipping from Koehl's hands and his immediate answer to the crisis - centralization - would also prove disastrous.

Koehl was no Rockwell. In Koehl's taped address The White Man's Viewpoint, the style of oratory and debate was deliberate but uninspiring. Rockwell had expressed fervor, militancy and intelligence. Koehl appeared humorless and certainly doctrinaire.(73) He had turned Rockwell's creed into a near-religious revelation, and consequently he addressed Americans in an aloof manner.

In his 1977 pamphlet, Some Laws Of Revolutionary Development, Koehl admitted that many Nazis directly compared the U.S. and German Nazis and asked why the American party was not at a stage of development comparable with German Nazis in the 1920's. (74)

Koehl however, insisted on his orthodox position that the party was still in Phase Two and must retain its sobriety - even though this was clearly not what many American Nazis wanted to hear. As Tommasi had contended, Koehl often restricted activities to conform with his vision of Phase Two. His objective leadership style and the destructive effects of his ideological revisions of Rockwell would be illustrated in the history of the NSWPP after 1973.

The Cleveland Congress of the NSWPP, held in 1973, and coinciding with the Tommasi crisis, marked the zenith of the party. Yet in "the largest stormtroop demonstration in the party's history," a mere 120 troopers marched through downtown Cleveland. (76) Although the Tommasi schism was an ulcer, the NSWPP continued on its course The Cleveland Congress laid down that the major issues of 1973 and 1974 were Watergate and Israel.

In these years, White Power reported extensive Nazi activity on the oil crisis. Nazis picketed Hubert Humphrey at a Zionist function in San Francisco, with a "Dump Israel" theme, while new leaflets were issued calling for support for the Palestinian cause against "the bandit state of Israel." In an article entitled "The Honeymoon is Over," Koehl wrote that "the real picture of the Enemy behind all our problems was now visible in America." (77)

Of course, this enemy was the Jewish community. Koehl's attacks on America's Jews took place at a time of a substantial shift in public and political support for Israel. Senator Fulbright denounced the Jewish lobby in Washington and General Brown, former chief of the U.S. Army, attacked Jewish-owned newspapers for their irresponsible attitudes towards the Middle East conflict. Jewish publications denounced these men for "anti-Semitism."

(78) The Nazis were therefore not operating in a vacuum, yet they clearly failed to make much headway. In pursuing the question of the oil crisis, the NSWPP differed from its rival Nazi party, the National Socialist Party of America, which continued to stress racial issues.

The NSWPP opted for "agitation," as distinct from making mere propaganda. However, whatever outbreak of anti-Semitism took place in the years 1973-75, it was directed more by organizations like Liberty Lobby than by the NSWPP. (79) (Further, the oil crisis agitation also left the NSWPP little time to agitate around Watergate, though the Nazis drew the inevitable parallel between the "corruption" of Weimar Germany and contemporary America.)

Throughout 1974 and 1975, the NS Bulletin encouraged its readers to be exceptionally active on behalf of the cause. The NS Bulletin encouraged newspaper sales, and the distribution of anti-busing leaflets to build the movement. (80) An appeal, launched in 1974, which aimed to raise $40,000 was fully subscribed by April 1975.

But split after split took place in the NSWPP. In early 1974, Casey Kalemba, leader of the Cleveland unit, seceded from the party to establish the United White People's Party. The new organization ceased to use the swastika, changed into blue uniforms and dubbed itself a "White Nationalist" party. (81)

Kalemba became the "Commander" of the new party, which remained restricted to Ohio. Kalemba had been a trusted Koehl aide and had engendered substantial publicity for the party through opposition to busing.

The reason for his desertion cannot be traced. The NSWPP which had hoped to make Cleveland its "Nuremberg," that is, the site for the annual party congress, was forced to relocate its 1974 Congress to St. Louis. In any event the 1974 Congress never took place, because of further internal division.

The 1974 split with the St. Louis unit cost the NSWPP dear. Dennis Nix, leader of the unit, had been commissioned to organize the Congress when Koehl, as trustee for NSWPP property, requested that Nix transfer the ownership of the local headquarters to him. This Nix refused to do. (82) Shortly afterwards, the St. Louis unit of the NSWPP, joined the National Alliance.

Koehl's inability to trust local organizers is striking. Every time the NSWPP won publicity in a city, Koehl's efforts to centralize power appear to have caused a split. This trend, already evident in 1974, continued in 1975. Early in 1975, the Detroit unit abandoned the NSWPP for reasons that remain obscure. Then a South Carolina section, under the direction of Frank Brasswell, defected to Tommasi's NSLF. Brasswell apparently preferred the NSLF's commitment to violent action. (83)

70 James N. Mason, letter to author, August 31, 1979.

71 "Joseph Tommasi: his last interview," Los Angeles Free Press, August 22-28, 1975.

72 'Siege,' No. 1, Third Quarter, 1974, passim.

73 Matt Koehl, 'The White Man's Viewpoint,' NSWPP tape recording, 1974.

74 Matt Koehl, 'Some Laws of Revolutionary Development,' Arlington, 1977, pp. 3-4.

75 Matt Koehl, 'Some Laws,' passim.

76. NSWPP members' leaflet.

77 'White Power,' No. 53, July 1974, p. 5.

78 NSWPP members' leaflet, 1974. The leaflet reproduced Jewish Press, October 11-17, 1974. The leaflet reproduced other cuttings reporting Jewish Defense League leader, Rabbi Meir Kahane, predicting a rise in U.S. anti-Semitism.

79 Liberty Lobby published the weekly, Spotlight, in 100,000 copies during this period. Spotlight was vehemently anti-Israel and was armed with a multi-million dollar budget.

80 NS Bulletin, No. 168, 1 December, 1974; 'NS Bulletin,' May, 1974, wrote: "this involves hard and sometimes persistent work..."; NS Bulletin, No. 176, April, 1975.referred to a picket of a "conservative anti-busing rally."

81 'What is the United White Peoples Party?,' UNWP leaflet, Cleveland, 1975.

82 'Siege,' No. 2, 1975. Though Siege was the journal of the NSLF, it abounded in gossip about the NSWPP.

83 NS Bulletin had mentioned Brasswell several times. His violent actions were praised by 'National Socialist Review,' January, 1975, 'NSLF Newsletter.'

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Last edited by RickHolland; March 12th, 2014 at 08:06 AM.