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Old October 6th, 2021 #1
Jim Harting
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Default Movement History: How the Republicans Contributed $1,200 towards the National Socialist White Peoples Party Headquarters in 1971


NSWPP Los Angeles Headquarters at 4375 North Peck, El Monte, California, 1973

Some readers may feel that the narrative that I present here is a little far-fetched and that perhaps I have allowed my imagination to run away with me. So, before recounting events as I remember them, allow me to include a link from the June 8, 1973, New York Times, which confirms and documents this episode in Movement history: Nazi Party Linked to G.O.P. Anti‐Wallace Move - The New York Times

How and Why US Attorney General John Mitchell and the Republican Party, through the "Committee to Re-Elect the President," Contributed to the Down Payment for the Los Angeles Headquarters of the National Socialist White People's Party in 1971, and Subsequent Events

By Martin Kerr

During the run-up to the 1972 presidential election, it was widely assumed that the November ballot in California would include, in addition to the Republican and Democrat candidates, George Wallace, running as a third-party candidate of the American Party (elsewhere in the country known as the "American Independent Party"). The Republicans were worried that the Wallace campaign would take enough votes from their candidate, incumbent Richard Nixon, that the state would be carried by the Democrats. That did not happen, because on May 15, 1972, Wallace was shot and severely wounded in an unsuccessful assassination attempt, and he withdrew from the race.

But in 1971, that was all in the future, and the "Wallace threat" seemed very real to the Republicans.

The Republican effort to re-elect Nixon was formally called the "Committee to Re-Elect the President," but was widely known as CREEP. US Attorney General John Mitchell was its chairman.

The New York Times reported:
"[Mitchel] said he had heard there was a way to remove the [American Independent party] from the ballot. He said they had run a poll between Muskie, Nixon and Wallace that showed that without Wallace four-fifths of the Wallace vote would go to Nixon. He emphasized they thought they were in trouble, and that Nixon especially wanted to win California...California law says that if a party's registration falls below 1/15th of 1 per cent of the total number of voters, it is removed from the ballot."
The goal, then, was to get half of the American Party's 32,000 registered voters in California to change their registration to another party - any party. Through various intermediaries, $10,000 towards this effort was allocated and given to Lyn Nofziger, the head of CREEP in California. Nofziger delegated the project to subordinates, and eventually a disgruntled former Wallace operative named Glenn Parker was enlisted in the effort. Parker's wife, Bonnie, was a former associate of George Lincoln Rockwell and the American Nazi Party, and she was a personal friend of Joseph Tommasi, Los Angeles leader of the National Socialist White People's Party. At the time, Tommasi was only 20 years old - barely out of his teen years.

On Parker's recommendation, the Republicans made a verbal contract with Tommasi to subvert the Wallace campaign by using NSWPP activists to re-register American Party members into another party. From Tommasi's perspective, this campaign was a win-win-win effort:
  1. The NSWPP would use the $6,000 (about $40,000 in today's money) they were promised to help get their new headquarters at 4375 N. Peck Rd., El Monte, up and running;
  2. The NSWPP would obtain a list of Wallace voters in California that it could exploit for its own purposes; and
  3. The campaign would weaken the Wallace movement in California, which the NSWPP viewed as competiton for the support of racial conscious Whites.
So, the NS activists went to work, contacting American Party members one-by-one. They later told me that it was tough going, because Wallace's supporters were extremely loyal to him. "We had to argue and fight for every person we re-registered," I was told, "and the great majority of American Party members flat out refused to change their registration, no matter what we said." The Wallace movement got wind of what was happening, and they launched their own campaign to recruit new registered voters for their party.

In fact, the American Party was able to sign up new members faster than the NSWPP could get existing voters to de-register from the party. After a month or so, the Republicans cancelled the effort. By that time, Tommasi had already been paid two installments, totaling $1,200 (worth about $8,100 today). He insisted that CREEP pay the entire $6,000 amount that he had been promised. But the Repubs reneged on the agreement.

Tommasi threatened to go to the press: with great foresight he had made photocopies of the checks that he had received from CREEP. The Republicans laughed in his face: "Go ahead," they told him, "we'll deny it, and no one will believe that the Republican party ever paid the Nazis one penny for anything."

Undaunted, Tommasi called a press conference and revealed that the Republicans had paid for the down payment on the El Monte headquarters building. Unsurprisingly, none of the media reported the story, other than the Communist party newspaper and a few other far-left outlets. The notion that the Republicans would enter into some sort of tactical alliance with the “American Nazis” just seemed too incredible.

Tommasi thought that that was the end of the matter - and it was, until in June 1973, White House counsel John Dean told the whole remarkable story to a Senate committee investigating the Watergate scandal. Dean had been threatened with arrest for his part in Nixon's misdoings. At first he kept quiet, but then he was told that if he didn't talk, he would be sent to prison, where he would be gang-raped by Blacks. So Dean agreed to talk - and he talked and talked and talked. And one afternoon, during a nationally televised hearing, he told the story of how John Mitchell and CREEP had paid for the notorious Nazi headquarters in El Monte.

The result was a publicity bonanza for the NSWPP. In Arlington, Party Commander Matt Koehl was unhappy with media coverage: he did not want the party to be linked to any part of the Watergate scandal. He felt that that would tarnish the party's image as an alternative to the corrupt Old Order. For his part, Tommasi rode the notoriety as far as he could. He tried to spin it that this episode somehow put the NSWPP on the same level as the Republicans. That was a bit of a stretch - but no one could deny that in the NSWPP had become a power factor in California politics, even if it was only minor player. Although CREEP refused to pay him the full amount of their contract, the NSWPP received hundreds of thousands of dollars in free publicity, both national and international. One result was that the NSWPP was increasingly portrayed as a legitimate political party, and not just an extremist group on the fringes of society. From that perspective, it was quite a coup for the youthful Tommasi and the NSWPP.

That the Nixon campaign had dealings with the "American Nazis," and had paid them an amount which was then used help purchase their headquarters, did not serve to endear Nixon to the Jewish community (which basically hated him, anyway). A year later, Nixon was gone as president - and we were still flying the Swastika flag in front of our headquarters in El Monte.
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Last edited by Jim Harting; October 12th, 2021 at 06:38 PM.
 
Old October 6th, 2021 #2
Gladiatrix
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"That the Nixon campaign had dealings with the "American Nazis," and had paid them an amount which was then used help purchase their headquarters, did not serve to endear Nixon to the Jewish community (which basically hated him, anyway)."

LOL.

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Old October 10th, 2021 #3
U. Dunrouse
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