|March 11th, 2011||#42|
Join Date: May 2004
Location: 33 Thomas St NY 10007
man arrested in Quincy linked to book on OKC bombing
see: man arrested in Quincy, MA linked to book on Oklahoma City bombing
|April 18th, 2011||#43|
Join Date: Apr 2010
New interview with Jesse Trentadue
"The family that puts the needs of the family above the whims of its children will prevail over the family that does not."
|April 27th, 2011||#44|
|April 27th, 2011||#45|
[From "The Secret Life of Bill Clinton, p. 91-92 (bold added by me)]
"I told Strassmeir outright that the evidence linking him to the bombing was very strong.
"Either you are a mass murderer, or you are an undercover agent," I said. "Either you killed all those people, or you risked your life to penetrate a group of vile, dangerous people. Take your pick, Andreas, but don't think you can stick your head in the sand and hope that it will all go away. It won't go away."
"You don't understand," he said.
"You know what I think already," I persisted. "I think you're a very courageous man. I think you did everything you could to stop that bombing. You did your part; you got inside the most deadly terrorist conspiracy in the history of the United States; you got these maniacs to believe in you; your cover was brilliant; and somebody let you down, didn't they Andreas?"
"You don't understand," he repeated almost plaintively.
"I do understand, Andreas. I understand that it wasn't your fault. Are you listening to me? It wasn't your fault. So why not just come out and tell the whole rotten truth, and get it over and done with? You don't have to cover for the ATF."
"You think it's as simple as that?" he stammered.
"I don't know, Andreas. You tell me. Who were you working for anyway? Did the Germans send you over?"
"No! No, they would never do that."
"So who was it then? The ATF? The Bureau? Who were you working for?"
"Look, I can't talk any longer."
"Just listen to me, Andreas. They're going to hang you out to dry. When this thing comes down they're going to leave you holding that bomb, or -- and you know this as well as I do -- you'll fall under a train one day on the U Bahn, when nobody's looking."
"I've got to go to work."
"There comes a time in every botched operation when the informant has to speak out to save his own skin, and that's now, Andreas."
"How can he?" he shouted into the telephone. "What happens if it was a sting operation from the very beginning? What happens if it comes out that the plant was a provocateur?"
"What if he talked and manipulated the others into it? What then? The country couldn't handle it. The relatives of the victims are going to go crazy. He's going to be held responsible for the murder of 168 people."
"That is true."
"Of course the informant can't come forward. He's scared shitless right now."
"It sounds to me as if you've got a problem, Andreas."
|May 12th, 2011||#46|
US judge hears dispute tied to Oklahoma City blast
The Associated Press
Wednesday, May 11, 2011 | 12:49 a.m.
A federal judge has issued a ruling related to an attorney's claim that more people were involved in the Oklahoma City bombing, ordering the FBI to produce more information about its record-keeping.
Salt Lake City attorney Jesse Trentadue has argued that unreleased video and other records will show that others were involved in the 1995 terror attack that killed 168 people.
U.S. District Judge Clark Waddoups said Wednesday that Trentadue has raised valid questions over whether the agency has done enough to find a pair of videotapes sought as part of a Freedom of Information Act request.
Waddoups also wants to know whether bureau officials believe they can conceal information from the public and the courts and ordered a Department of Justice attorney to detail how difficult it would be for the FBI to manually search for the records in evidence control centers in Oklahoma City, Washington, D.C., and at an FBI crime lab.
Waddoups, who set a June 30 deadline for government attorneys, wants the information before deciding whether the FBI has complied with federal freedom of information laws in Trentadue's case.
Trentadue sued the FBI and the CIA in 2008 seeking release of tapes and records from the fatal bombing at the Alfred P. Murrah Federal building.
The lawsuit came two years after Trentadue first sought the information.
In papers filed in U.S. District Court, Trentadue contends the FBI's efforts to locate the information he wants have been inadequate, and he argues the bureau has failed to meet the requirements of the law that directs the release of government records.
Specifically, Trentadue is seeking surveillance tapes taken the morning of the bombing from exterior cameras on the Murrah building and dashboard camera video from the Oklahoma Highway Patrol's arrest of Timothy McVeigh, who was later convicted of and executed for the bombing.
Trentadue asserts that the videos exist and will expose that others were involved in the terrorist attack.
On Wednesday, he told Waddoups he doesn't believe the bureau had looked for the tapes in supplemental evidence files that are not tied to the official case files.
Department of Justice attorneys argue the case should be dismissed. They contend the relevant tapes and records either do not exist, have already been provided, can't be located or are exempt from disclosure under the Freedom of Information Act.
The FBI has provided Trentadue with 23 videotapes _ including the dashboard video _ and about 200 documents in response to his request, the government's attorney, Kathryn Wyer said Wednesday.
Wyer said the bureau has met FOIA's requirements and even conducted a manual search last year through evidence from the bombing that is stored in an Oklahoma City warehouse. That search turned up no additional records and to suggest that there is anything to find beyond that is "merely speculation," by Trentadue, she said.
Wyer declined to comment after the hearing and referred The Associated Press to a Department of Justice spokesman in Washington, D.C.
Trentadue's inquiry into the bombing was prompted by the death of his brother, Kenneth Trentadue, at the Oklahoma City Federal Transfer Center in August of that year. Trentadue claims his brother, a convicted bank robber, was mistaken for a bombing suspect and beaten during an interrogation by officers. Trentadue says his dead brother was a close physical match for a bombing suspect and that the evidence he's seeking from the FBI may prove that.
Officially, Kenneth Trentadue's death is considered a suicide, but his body had 41 wounds and bruises that his brother believes were the result of a beating. A judge awarded the Trentadue family $1.1 million in damages for extreme emotional distress in the government's handling of the death.
The CIA portion of Trentadue's case, which also included requests for possible involvement of foreign nationals in the bombing, was dismissed by Judge Waddoups in March 2010. The agency declined to provide the records, citing information act exemptions and national security concerns, but provided the judge with affidavits summarizing their contents.
In his ruling, the judge said the CIA had provided credible evidence of why the information met the exemptions. The case was the first public acknowledgement the CIA played a role in the bombing investigation.
|December 27th, 2011||#48|
Join Date: Feb 2011
Blog Entries: 91
I just came across the Nov 28, 2011 copy of Newsweek in which the cover story is about FBI mole/snitch John Matthews. The article ends as follows--seemingly suggesting that Matthews either was in the Aryan Republican Army with McVeigh or had inside info on it as the bank robberies went down. I am travelling and don't have time to research Jesse Trentadue's online FOIA documents for Matthews' name. This is something. Rick Holland has posted the original article in another thread.
I quote the last few concluding paragraphs of the piece:
He found an article about Jesse Trentadue, the Salt Lake City attorney who for 15 years had been filing profanity-laced letters and Freedom of Information Act requests to federal agencies in order to prove that the FBI killed his brother, Kenney, during a botched interrogation in Oklahoma City not long after McVeigh’s bombing of the federal office building there. Trentadue and his family were awarded roughly $1 million for emotional distress after the Justice Department found that the FBI and Bureau of Prisons had lied in court and ignored and misplaced evidence during the investigation.
Trentadue believed that the FBI had confused Kenney for a member of a gang of white supremacist bank robbers called the Aryan Republican Army; though for years the FBI has claimed that McVeigh largely acted alone, Trentadue has uncovered evidence allegedly linking him to the ARA and the group to the bombing.
As Matthews read on he ran across a name that stopped him cold: his own. Some of the documents that Trentadue had put online mentioned Matthews, and in a few places, the FBI had failed to redact it. “All those years I’ve been a good boy and kept my mouth shut,” Matthews says. “Then you release my name? What kind of shit is that?”
And so, angry and feeling he might be able to help Trentadue, Matthews asked his son Dan to drive him to the lawyer’s office in Salt Lake City. Considering his health, he no longer cared about the repercussions—whether from the FBI or the bad guys. His kids, he believed from years of observing how right-wing extremists operated, would be safe.
On the morning in July when he met Trentadue, Matthews and Dan sat at a large wooden table in the attorney’s office. For several hours they spoke about Trentadue’s suits against the FBI, and Matthews reminisced about his time in the bureau, explaining to his son the various plots and villains that he encountered and why he was never around.
Eventually, they got up to leave. Outside the sun was bright and the air was warm. As they cruised along in a silver SUV, Matthews and Dan said little. Only now, the silence was full, and each felt they had asked and answered their part.
|December 27th, 2011||#49|
Join Date: May 2007
Location: The goyim reservation
Blog Entries: 3
The push for open borders is a life and death issue for Jews and their collective survival. Only by swimming in the open sewers of diversity, can the Jews escape being "rounded up" as they have been countless times throughout recorded history.
|February 10th, 2012||#50|
Join Date: Apr 2010
BBC one hour video on OKC bombing
OKLAHOMA BOMB: THE CONSPIRACY FILES (2007) BBC [Oklahoma City Bombing Inside Job False Flag] - YouTube
"The family that puts the needs of the family above the whims of its children will prevail over the family that does not."
|August 25th, 2012||#51|
[much on Trentadue and OKC]
Ruby Ridge and the Age of State Terrorism
by William Norman Grigg
Sara Weaver has forgiven the people responsible for murdering her mother Vicki and younger brother Samuel twenty years ago. Lon Horiuchi, the FBI sniper who shot Vicki in the head while she was holding a ten-month-old infant, is still being sheltered by the Regime that employed him. If he were any part of a man, Horiuchi would make a pilgrimage to Sara’s home in Montana to express remorse for the crimes he committed against her family.
Shortly before he murdered Vicki on August 22, 1992, Horiuchi attempted to murder her husband, Randy Weaver – a man who had done nothing to harm any living soul. Acting under "rules of engagement" that were tantamount to a murder warrant, Horiuchi shot Randy in the back, attempting to kill him instantly by severing his spinal cord.
Owing to a last-second motion by Randy, the bullet hit his shoulder and exited his armpit. Randy and a visiting family friend named Kevin Harris fled back to their cabin. Vicki Weaver flung open the door and was shot in the head by Horiuchi. The same round used to murder Vicki ended up wounding Harris.
At the time Horiuchi attempted to murder him, Randy was visiting the forlorn outbuilding that sheltered the lifeless body of his only son, 14-year-old Samuel, who had been murdered the previous day by U.S. marshals preparing to ambush the Weaver family. Three of the six camouflaged marshals threw rocks to distract the Weaver family’s dogs. When Samuel and Harris went to investigate, a marshal panicked and shot one of the dogs.
After Samuel fired in the direction of the gunshots, Randy told him to return to the cabin.
"I’m coming, Dad," shouted Samuel.
At that point, one of the marshals, in keeping with the standards of valor expected of those who serve the federal Leviathan, shot the 14-year-old in the back.
In what a jury later found to be a lawful use of defensive force, Harris returned fire. Deputy Marshal William Degan was killed in the gunfight. The Feds claimed that he was killed in the first shot of the skirmish. This was a lie, of course: He had fired at least seven rounds before stopping one, and it’s likely that he was killed by "friendly fire."
For nine days, Sara had to care for her baby sister, Elishiba, as well as her ten-year-old sister Rachel while the shattered body of her mother decomposed in the family’s cabin. Their home – or "compound," as it was characterized by the criminals who besieged it, and the media functionaries who retailed their self-serving lies -- was surrounded by a small army of federal, state, and local law enforcement personnel.
Sara and the other survivors also had to endure the mocking sadism of the FBI agents who had murdered Vicki and Samuel. One morning they were awoken by a taunting message broadcast over a loudspeaker: "Good morning, Mrs. Weaver. We had pancakes for breakfast. What did you have?"
In what could be seen as a foreshadowing of the holocaust at Waco’s Branch Davidian refuge roughly eight months later, the Feds were apparently prepared to fire-bomb the Weaver home, thereby destroying evidence of their crimes. A news crew from KREM-TV in Spokane saw several large canisters of gasoline being loaded onto an FBI helicopter, which took off and circled the cabin – only to veer off suddenly after being videotaped by observers on the ground.
Much to the disappointment of the Feds, the standoff ended without additional bloodshed. Randy Weaver and Kevin Harris were acquitted of murder charges arising from the death of William Degan. Randy was found guilty of failing to appear in court to answer a contrived firearms charge engineered by an ATF provocateur who sought to blackmail the ex-Green Beret into becoming an informant.
Although the Weaver family eventually received a large civil settlement courtesy of the federal government’s tax victims, neither Horiuchi nor his supervisors – Larry Potts and Danny Coulson -- were never prosecuted. The Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals, invoking a specious concept it called "Supremacy Clause Immunity," ruled that it would be impermissible for a federal law enforcement officer to face civil or criminal prosecution for official acts that would otherwise be criminal in nature. Judge Alex Kozinski’s scalding dissent lambasted the court for creating what he christened the "007 Standard" – a license to kill that was issued "to all law enforcement agencies in our circuit -- federal, state, and local."
A few months after issuing that ruling, the court modified it to permit the State of Idaho to prosecute Horiuchi under state laws. Denise Woodbury, an assistant prosecutor from Boundary County, was prepared to put Horiuchi on trial, but the prospect of doing so caused incoming county attorney Brett Benson to lose bladder control. Accordingly, the individual who murdered Vicki Weaver and attempted to murder Randy Weaver remains at large.
As the indispensable James Bovard pointed out sixteen years ago, the Marshals Service "gave its highest award for valor" to the five surviving members of the home invasion squad that murdered Samuel Weaver. In presenting the award, then-director Eduardo Gonzalez hymned the praises of the "exceptional courage … sound judgment in the face of attack, and … high degree of professional competence" displayed by the agents whose actions precipitated the needless deaths of three people, and the attempted murder of two others.
Prior to the killings at Ruby Ridge, the Marshals Service had spent a year and a half spying on the impoverished, isolated Weaver family. This included multiple acts of criminal trespass and the creation of a network of remote-operated surveillance cameras on the high ground above the family’s land. Weaver was considered a fugitive for missing a court hearing after being issued two summonses giving two different dates. He was to stand trial on firearms charges after being entrapped by the ATF, which sought to blackmail him into becoming a federal informant inside the Aryan Nation white supremacist organization.
Weaver’s first encounter with the Feds came in July 1985, when he was visited by the Secret Service after a neighbor accused him of threatening the life of President Reagan. Rather than filing charges against Weaver, the Feds opened a file on him. Four years later, an ATF undercover informant-provocateur named Gus Magisano (who used the pseudonym "Kenneth Faderly") made a business proposal to Weaver: He offered to buy several shotguns from him if the barrels were sawed off to his specifications.
With his family practically starving, Weaver was a motivated seller. His customer was an eager buyer – but he was also curiously specific regarding the modifications he wanted on the guns, demanding that Weaver saw off the barrels at a particular length. Those "illegal" alterations – which left the barrels longer than those on the sixty Remington 870 pump-action shotguns ordered by the IRS a few years ago – offered the ATF what it thought was sufficient leverage to blackmail Weaver.
In January 1990, Weaver was visited by ATF Agents Herbert Byerly and Steve Gunderson, who threatened to prosecute him unless he became an informant. To his eternal credit, Weaver invited them to inseminate themselves. Since defiance of that kind simply couldn’t be tolerated, the ATF, acting with the U.S. Marshals Service and several state and local agencies, initiated the low-intensity war against the Weaver family that eventually claimed the lives of Vicki and Samuel.
Salt Lake attorney Jesse Trentadue explains that the federal jihad against the Weavers was an outgrowth of an FBI initiative called PATCON, or "Patriot Conspiracy." The campaign was designed "to infiltrate and incite the milita and evangelical Christians to violence so that the Department of Justice could crush them."
"Ruby Ridge was a PATCON operation," Trentadue observes. "Waco was a PATCON operation. And so, too, I believe was the Oklahoma City Bombing."
Trentadue’s understanding of PATCON is the product of long, arduous investigation of the FBI’s role in inciting domestic terrorism and covering up its officially sanctioned misdeeds. He is a singularly tenacious and motivated investigator: His brother, the late Kenneth Trentadue, was murdered by the FBI in an Oklahoma prison cell on August 21, 1995, after being mistaken for a bank robber named Richard Lee Guthrie, who was part of a PATCON-connected gang called the Aryan Republican Army.
Shortly after the April 19, 1995 OKC bombing, Kenneth – who had served time for robbery and was on parole -- was detained in San Diego as he re-entered the U.S. from Mexico. His wife Carmen had family down in Mexico, and Kenney (as his brother calls him) had made a quick trip to visit them down south.
Kenney was stopped by a border guard who ran a background check on him. He was arrested and stuffed into a plane bound for Oklahoma City.
At the time, Kenney Trentadue was 44 years old, in good health, and trying to rebuild his life. His wife was expecting a child, who was born while Kenney was in federal custody.
Kenney assumed that he was being held on a parole violation. He had no idea that he had been snared in the FBI’s manhunt for "John Doe #2," an unidentified co-conspirator in the OKC bombing. While Kenney was in federal custody, indictments were handed down against Timothy McVeigh and Terry Nichols – as well as "others unknown" – for their role in the Oklahoma City Bombing. That occurred on August 10. Kenney arrived at the Oklahoma City Federal Transfer Facility – just a few miles from the courtroom where McVeigh and Nicholas had been indicted – on August 18. Three days later, he was dead, supposedly of suicide.
Kenney’s body was "found" hanging from a bedsheet in his cell. A few hours after this "discovery," Kenney’s mother Wilma received a call from acting warden Marie Cutler informing her that her son had killed himself. In a fashion suggesting both indifference to the family and a great deal of urgency, Cutler informed Kenney’s mother that the body was to be cremated very soon.
Although understandably devastated by her son’s death, Mrs. Trentadue had the presence of mind to demand that no action be taken to dispose of the body without the permission of Kenney’s wife. Cutler was surprised to learn that Kenney was the married father of a newborn son; she had been told he was single, because the killers had mistaken their victim for somebody else.
Not only were prison officials indecently eager to cremate Kenney’s body, they were also frantic to sanitize the "suicide-proof" cell. This was a criminal act of evidence tampering.
The floors and walls of the cell were mopped and scrubbed; the bed sheet with which Kenney had supposedly hung himself was "lost" or destroyed; most of his clothing ended up in the possession of an FBI agent who –in the finest tradition of that incurably corrupt agency – let it putrefy in the trunk of his car. Within a few hours of the "suicide," the FBI and prison officials managed to "lose" or destroy most of the critical evidence.
When Kenney’s mother Wilma and older brother Jesse were finally allowed to see the body, they did so in the obnoxious company of Michael Hood, regional counsel for the Bureau of Prisons. As Jesse later recalled the conversation, Hood issued a poorly disguised warning: "The Bureau of Prisons, the FBI and the U.S. Attorney’s office – we’re one big Justice Department."
Left alone with Kenney’s body, Jesse and his mother peeled away several layers of post-mortem makeup. They found his body riddled with contusions and other evidence of a severe beating, administered by both fists and batons. His head had been repeatedly lacerated, and his throat appeared to have been cut.
"My brother had been so badly beaten that I personally saw several mourners leave the viewing to vomit in the parking lot!" Jesse, a trial attorney, wrote in an August 30, 1995 letter to the Bureau of Prisons. "Anyone seeing my brother’s battered body with his bruised and lacerated forehead, throat cut, and blue-black knuckles would not have concluded that his death was either easy or a ‘suicide’! "
"I will always be grateful to my brother for his love of life, great heart and strength," wrote Jesse. "Had my brother been less of a man, your guards would have been able to kill him without inflicting so much injury to his body. Had that occurred, Kenney’s family would forever be guilt-ridden over his death. Each of us would have lived with the pain of thinking that Kenneth took his own life and that we had somehow failed him. By making the fight he did for his life, Ken has saved us that pain, and God bless for having done so!"
Jesse wasn’t the only one who found the official story facially implausible. Kevin Rowland, chief examiner for the Oklahoma Medical Examiner’s office, filed a complaint with the FBI describing Kenney’s death as "murder." The state’s chief Medical Examiner, Fred Jordan, refused to classify the death as a suicide, labeling the cause of Trentadue’s death "unknown."
The Bureau of Prisons convened a board of inquiry, and – in keeping with Michael Hood’s promise – slammed the lid down, hard. The attorney heading the probe classified its findings as "attorney work product," a move intended to foreclose discovery of the material in future court actions.
Cover-ups by corrupt officials are commonplace. However, Jesse Trentadue considered it strange that federal functionaries were so anxious to conceal the circumstances of Kenney’s death. Why would the Feds lie about the cause of Kenney’s death, and then spare no effort to destroy all the evidence?
Shortly after sending his letter to the BOP, Jesse received an anonymous phone call providing him with an explanation: "Look, your brother was murdered by the FBI. There was an interrogation that went wrong…. He fit a profile."
Kenney fell victim to a case of mistaken identity of Dickensian dimensions. He was a near-physical match for Richard Lee Guthrie. They were the same age, and shared the same build -- 5’9″ tall and a muscular 180-190 lbs. Each was brown-haired, with a dragon tattoo on his left forearm. Most importantly, Guthrie was a bank robber, as Kenney had been before going to prison. More specifically, Guthrie robbed banks on behalf of the Aryan Republican Army, which conducted some 22 bank heists in the early 1990s and netted about $250,000 to fund domestic terrorism. At the time of Kenney’s arrest, Guthrie was already somewhere in the bowels of the federal prison system.
Like Kenney, Guthrie would later be the victim of an anomalous prison suicide: His body was "found" by a guard hanging from a bedsheet. Just before his death in 1996, Guthrie had told the Los Angeles Times that he was writing a memoir that would, among other things, describe connections between the ARA and the OKC bombing.
Guthrie wasn't the only other inmate connected to the Trentadue case who would wind up dangling lifelessly from the ceiling of his cell. Alden Gillis Baker, an inmate at the OKC Transfer Center, told Jesse that he had overheard an "altercation" involving "a lot of physical violence" the night Kenney was killed; that was followed by "faint moaning" and the sound of bedsheets being torn. Baker repeated that account in a subsequent deposition that was rejected by a judge. In 2000, Baker was also "found" hanged to death by a guard in a California federal prison.
As this body count demonstrates, the Feds were desperate to conceal something genuinely horrible. Jesse’s understanding of the magnitude of the cover up expanded considerably in 2004, when he received – from a sympathetic source at the FBI – two redacted documents proving that the FBI had been aware of a connection between the OKC bombing and the Aryan Republican Army, which in turn was connected to a bizarre white supremacist commune in Oklahoma called Elohim City.
That tip primed a Freedom of Information Act Request that dislodged more than 250 pages of documents – all of them heavily censored – confirming that the FBI and other federal agencies (including the ATF, which had planted Carol Howe at Elohim City) had abundant and detailed advance intelligence of the 1995 bombing.
As is the case with any significant gathering of white supremacists, Elohim City was a wholly owned subsidiary of the FBI. In addition to Carol Howe (whose cover was blown by her handler when she actually tried to expose those responsible for the OKC bombing), the late Robert Millar, the cult’s patriarch, was also on the federal payroll.
The group’s head of security, a dodgy German national named Andreas Strassmeir, has been identified as an intelligence asset for both Washington and his own national government. A hyper-violent Klan activist named Dennis Mahon, who also spent time at Elohim City, was likewise a paid snitch. At least one other individual there was taking notes and passing them along to the Southern Poverty Law Center, a quasi-private secret police adjunct headed by self-promoting fraud and sexual degenerate Morris Dees.
At least two ARA members were "part-time" residents of Elohim City, and there is abundant reason to believe that Timothy McVeigh – who called the commune just shortly before the OKC bombing – had collaborated with the ARA in carrying out at least some of their robberies.
In 2007, shortly after filing his FOIA request for the OKC bombing videos, Jesse Trentadue contacted by Terry Nichols – who is serving a life sentence for his role in the bombing, and cannot be tried again on capital charges. With Trentadue’s assistance, Nichols filed a deposition in a Salt Lake City federal court.
Not only did Nicholes implicate the ARA in the bombing plot, he claimed that McVeigh – who allegedly had been recruited as an undercover intelligence asset while in the Army – had been working under the supervision of Larry Potts, the same FBI official who wrote the murderous "rules of engagement" at Ruby Ridge and later supervised the annihilation of the Branch Davidians at Mt. Carmel, Texas.
The Feds weren't pursuing Richard Lee Guthrie for the purpose of solving a crime; they were hunting him as part of a nation-wide drive to tie up loose ends in what was either a criminally inept "sting" operation, or a full-fledged false-flag attack at Oklahoma City.
Once Kenneth Trentadue became another loose end, he was tortured and beaten to death -- but his brother, God bless him, was determined to pull as hard as he could on the few frayed threads he could find.
"The only difference between the FBI and the KGB," Jesse Trentadue wearily concludes, "is that the Soviet secret police never pretended to be a legitimate law enforcement agency." That observation was shared on August 21 – twenty years after federal marshals murdered Samuel Weaver, and the seventeenth anniversary of the torture-murder of Kenneth Trentadue, both of whom were victims of the FBI’s ongoing PATCON initiative.
August 25, 2012
William Norman Grigg [send him mail] publishes the Pro Libertate blog and hosts the Pro Libertate radio program.
[many links in original]
|September 7th, 2012||#52|
Join Date: Sep 2012
Hi. I'm new here. I had heard Jesse Trentadue talking about PATCON and was lookign for more information. Has anyone put all these different reports together in a summary somehwere?
|September 9th, 2012||#53|
Secret Police Murder and Cover-Up
A transcript of the Lew Rockwell Show episode 253 with Jesse Trentadue
ROCKWELL: Good morning. This is the Lew Rockwell Show. And it's great to have as our guest this morning Mr. Jesse Trentadue. Jesse is a lawyer in Salt Lake City, whose brother, Kenneth, was tortured and murdered by federal agents in a federal prison because of a case of mistaken identity involving the Oklahoma City bombing. This happened in 1995. And ever since 1995, Jesse has been an implacable pursuer of justice to an extraordinary extent, and I must say with extraordinary success against the FBI and other federal agencies trying to get the truth about what happened to his brother, and also the truth, as he's gone more and more into it, about what happened in Oklahoma City to the Murrah Building.
So, Jesse, this is a fascinating story. It's a horrific story. All I can say is, please, tell it to us.
TRENTADUE: Well, thank you for having me on.
I think one of the things I would want to say first to your audience is they will – when they hear me tell this story, they will think it's incredible. But I want to emphasize that the story is based upon, in large part, FBI documents. So it's not just me giving my version of what I think the facts are. The facts are coming out of documents that I obtained from the FBI, and only after an incredible fight over 17 years.
The whole story starts in August of 1995, when my brother, Kenneth, was picked up on an alleged parole violation and sent to Oklahoma City to a federal facility. And this was during the time I believe of the grand jury proceedings against Timothy McVeigh. My brother arrives in Oklahoma City on a Friday night. He supposedly commits suicide two days later. And that's where it started.
My brother had been in the military during the Vietnam War. He was in the Army. And like so many boys at that time, he had come out with an addiction to heroin. He robbed a bank to support his addiction. He was caught. He pled guilty and went to jail. He's released from prison and he had a probation officer who a put a "no beer drinking" condition on his parole. I helped him fight that, and we lost. And he basically told his parole officer to go to hell, that he was going to drink beer and that was the end of the story. That was in the late 1980s. Well, in 1995, he is coming across the border in San Diego, California, from visiting friends and family – his wife is Hispanic – in Baja California. He's picked up and sent to Oklahoma City. And as I said, he's dead two days later.
It was an incredible fight just to get his body released. The FBI and the federal government had called my mother and asked for permission to have his body cremated. We refused. We later found out that the government had made two attempts with the Oklahoma state medical examiner to have my brother cremated. We received his body home, and I'm own my way to California, Orange County, where my mother lived and his wife and my sister were. And they arrived at the mortuary before I did. When the body arrived, they – he was heavily made up and they removed the makeup and found that he had been beaten head to toe. He had been struck in the skull, in the head. Kenny had received three massive blows to his head that ruptured the skin, the skull. You could see his skull. He was beaten front to back, head to toe, even on the soles of his feet, and his throat had been cut. And the FBI said it was suicide by hanging.
We had a difficult time from the beginning. The crime scene photographs disappeared. The video surveillance camera tapes supposedly didn't exist because the cameras malfunctioned. The log book – books, I should say – that would have shown who had access to my brother disappeared or else the pages were removed from those log books. And it was just a hellacious fight with the FBI to get any information, to get any effort at justice in my brother's murder.
The FBI insisted from the beginning that it was a suicide. In fact, within hours of my brother's death, the government had issued a press release saying it was a suicide. When the medical examiner from the state of Oklahoma attempted to gain access to the cell to do an investigation, he was denied access. And instead, the federal government had the cell cleaned and repainted. And when the medical examiner was finally allowed into the cell six months later, he does a test called luminal, which is designed to detect the presence of blood even after it's been cleaned, the area. And he told me that the cell lit up like a Christmas tree because apparently luminal produces a light effect when there's blood present.
The first inkling that there was a link to the Oklahoma City bombing occurred – I think it was in December of 1995 or January of 1996. And it wasn't a direct link. We had been fighting the FBI constantly throughout this period of time, of six months or so, since my brother's death, and I received a phone call. It was either December, late December or early January of 1996. And those were back in the days when you didn't have Caller I.D. on the telephone so I didn't know where the number came from or who the person was. This person told me, he said, you're brother was killed by the FBI. He died in an interrogation that when wrong. It was a case of mistaken identity. He had been mistaken for a group – or a member of a group of people who were robbing banks to attack the federal government – get the money, the funds to attack the federal government.
About six months later, I was reading in the "Los Angeles Times" a story about a man named Richard Lee Guthrie. Guthrie, according to the story, had belonged to a group called the Midwest Bank Robbery Gang. And they were an anti-government group apparently robbing banks and armored cars to fund their so-called war against the federal government. And the story said that Guthrie had committed suicide by hanging in federal custody the day before he had promised an interview to the "Los Angeles Times" "that would blow the lid off the Oklahoma City bombing." That was the exact quote.
There was no photograph of Guthrie in the story in the newspaper article. And we continued to fight the government until about the year 2000, I think it was – 2001. It was shortly before Timothy McVeigh was executed. Shortly before he was executed, I received a message from Timothy McVeigh. And McVeigh wanted me to know that he had seen my brother's photograph and heard what happened to him. There was McVeigh's belief that my brother had been murdered by the FBI because they mistook him for Richard Lee Guthrie. I found it curious over the years, thinking back on it, why McVeigh had such an interest apparently in my brother's case. In fact, so much of an interest that he coined the verb "Trentadued," which McVeigh said meant to be murdered by the federal government.
A year or so after McVeigh's execution, I received a telephone call from a man named J.D. Cash. J.D. was a reporter for a small newspaper in eastern Oklahoma. He had had family and friends killed in the Oklahoma City bombing. And J.D. said he wanted to talk to me about my brother, and I said fine. He said, describe your brother. I said, well, he was about 5' 9", dark complected. J.D. said, how much did he weigh. And I said he was about 175 pounds. And J.D. said, what kind of build did he have. I said, well, he was a very powerful man. And J.D. said, well, where was he arrested. And I said he was arrested coming across the boarder from Mexico into San Diego. J.D. said, what was he riding in. I said, well, he was driving his friend's 1986 Chevrolet pick-up truck. J.D. said, did he have any tattoos. I said yes. J.D. said, what kind and where. I said he had a dragon tattoo on his left forearm. J.D. paused a minute and he said to me, are you sitting down. And I said, yes, I'm sitting down. He said, let me tell you some interesting facts. He said, at the time your brother was picked up and murdered, the largest manhunt in American history was being conducted by the FBI for John Doe 2. The description the FBI had circulated for John Doe 2 was white male, powerful upper-body build, 5' 9", approximately 175 to 180 pounds, believed to be in Canada or Mexico, driving a big 1980 Chevrolet pick-up truck, dragon tattoo left forearm.
At that point in time, my family had a motive for my brother's murder. Before that, people would look at my brother's case and say, yes, he was murdered but why would the government do that. Now we had a motive. And the motive was a possible link to the Oklahoma City bombing; that my brother had been mistaken for John Doe 2. And as I began to look into the issue, I found out that Richard Lee Guthrie was a perfect match for the description, just as my brother was. Guthrie was about 5' 9", powerful upper-body build, dark complected, dragon tattoo left forearm.
At that point in time, I started to pursue the FBI for information and documents linking Guthrie and others to the Oklahoma City bombing. I'd focused on the Freedom of Information Act, which is a law Congress passed some years ago that entitles American citizens to government records, agency records, records of the FBI, records of the CIA, records of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms agency. And I'd been helped a lot along the way in this fight, especially with the Freedom of Information Act. The Freedom of Information Act says that citizens could basically have these government documents unless they would interfere – release of the documents would interfere with an on-going criminal investigation, or somehow involve national security. In other words, under the Freedom of Information Act, if the document will compromise a criminal proceeding or jeopardize national security, you can't have it. But other than that, you're pretty much entitled to anything you ask for from the government – the FBI, the Secret Service.
Well, I had been leaked two teletypes from FBI Director Louis Freeh. Mr. Freeh was the director of the FBI during the bombing investigation. These teletypes were sent from FBI headquarters under Freeh's name to various field offices, FBI field offices in the United States. And they essentially said that McVeigh had called several times to a man named Andreas Strassmeir, who was living in a white supremacist compound in eastern Oklahoma called Elohim City. And the purposes of these calls was McVeigh asking Strassmeir for more help to carry out the bombing of the Murrah Building in Oklahoma City. Now, again, it's not me making this up. These teletypes exist. These teletypes are out there now on the Internet.
Strassmeir was a German national. He had been an intelligence officer in the German army. He was in Elohim City as the explosives-and-weapons instructor. So I filed a Freedom of Information Act request, asking for all documents linking the FBI to an undercover operation in Elohim City involving the Oklahoma City bombing. As I've often told people, when they ask me, how could you fight the government of the United States, it's so large, it's so powerful. And I say, I have one advantage, especially when I'm dealing with the FBI. It is a weakness the bureau has. That weakness is it will always lie. The FBI will lie, even when the truth would serve it better. So I knew they would deny these documents exist. And when they came back and told me they don't exist, I filed a lawsuit in federal court here in Salt Lake City, Utah.
And the FBI marches into court and tells the federal judge that there are no documents. I produced those two teletypes. I knew also that when I did that, the FBI would come back and say that they were forged or fraudulent or false. I was ready for them because I had an affidavit from a retired FBI agent, out of headquarters in Washington, D.C., who had been in charge of the bombing investigation early on, and he had given me an affidavit saying those teletypes are legitimate. So when I went back with that affidavit, the federal judge says to the FBI, you go back and you do a manual search and you bring back all of the documents involving the FBI, Strassmeir, and this undercover operation at Elohim City that's linked to the bombing of Oklahoma City.
Well, the FBI comes back to the judge and they say, Your Honor, we can't turn over those records. If we do, if we release the names of our undercover operatives, it'll put their lives in jeopardy. And the judge said to them, well, you black out the names and you turn the documents over. So they produced about 340 documents linking the FBI to Elohim City, to Strassmeir, and the bombing of the federal building in Oklahoma City.
But the earliest document they produced was dated on the afternoon of April 19, 1995, several hours after the bombing. So I go back to the judge and I say, Your Honor, there's no way this undercover operation came into being two hours after the bombing. It had to have been in place years earlier. And to support this claim, I went before the court with a transcript that had been sealed. It was a transcript of a hearing in federal court in Oklahoma that had taken place in April of 1997, and it was a government agent testifying about an undercover operative named Carol Howe who had been working in Elohim City. And Howe reported that she had gone with Strassmeir – and I think perhaps even McVeigh, although it's not clear from the transcript – in the fall of 1994 to scout targets. They apparently were considering several targets in Oklahoma City. And the agent relays this testimony. And at the end of the hearing, the U.S. attorney conducting the hearing – and this hearing in Oklahoma is taking place while the McVeigh trial was going on. The U.S. attorney conducting the hearing jumps up and says, Your Honor, we've got to seal this transcript. And the court says, what do you mean? And the U.S. attorney says, we don't want anything getting out of here that would compromise the McVeigh trial in any way. The defense attorney at that hearing says – I'm quoting from the transcript – "What do you mean by compromised? Do you mean shared with the McVeigh lawyers"? And the judge responds, "Yes, or something that would come up. You know, we have got evidence that the ATF took a trip with somebody that said buildings were going to be blown up in Oklahoma City before it was blown up or something of that nature, and try to connect it with McVeigh in some way or something." That's an exact quote from a federal judge. And he orders the transcript sealed. So here you have the government acknowledging that they had known four months prior to the bombing that it was going to happen, and didn't stop it. And to me, more incredible still is that a federal judge would order that evidence sealed, not made public.
And, again, as I said, people have helped me a lot along the way. And I received a copy of that transcript. So I go back before the judge here in Utah with that transcript. I also went back with evidence that I had obtained from Terry Nichols. I don't know how I was able to do it but I was able to get into the federal prison, called ADMAX, the new Alcatraz in Colorado, and I spent a day and a half with Nichols. Nichols had been tried by the United States government and found guilty of murder but the jury wouldn't give him the death penalty. And the reason was that the jury felt that there were other people involved and couldn't understand why the Department of Justice wasn't pursuing the other perpetrators. Nichols was next tried by the state of Oklahoma with the same result, guilty but no death penalty for the same reason. Once he had been tried by the federal government and the state of Oklahoma, he could not be subject to another trial and put him in jeopardy of the death penalty.
At that point in time, he writes to then-Attorney General Ashcroft, and he tells Ashcroft, he says, come and see me and I will tell you all about the bombing, who was involved, to what I think was the government's role in the bombing. And in that letter, Nichols – and I'm quoting from it – he says, "I'm not looking for any favors or such. I am simply wanting the full truth to come out. I am willing to disclose publicly all I know, including how I was involved in the Oklahoma City bombing." Now, you would think the attorney general of the United States, whether or not you believe Nichols, you would at least send someone to speak with him, if for no other reason to find out what makes people do these kinds of things. But Ashcroft doesn't send anyone to interview Nichols. Instead, he issues an order that Nichols is to have no contact with the media. And to this day, he's not allowed any contact with the media.
But I was able to get a sworn statement from Nichols that the explosives used to detonate the bomb, which was an explosive called Kenestick, was actually provided by an FBI operative. And I go back before the judge and the judge says to me, he says, what do you want. I said I want to go take Terry Nichol's deposition and make it public. And the judge ordered it. He ordered the government of the United States to produce Nichols for me to take his deposition. Now, you would think the government of the United States and especially the FBI wouldn't be concerned about the truth relating to the Oklahoma City bombing being told, or anything that Nichols had to say. But that wasn't the case. The FBI went immediately to the Tenth Circuit Court of Appeals in Denver and got an order reversing the Salt Lake City federal judge, forbidding the deposition from going forward. That was a big set back.
But then, in the course of my war with the FBI, I stumbled across reference in one of the documents they produced to an operation called PATCON, P-A-T-C-O-N. I found out that PATCON was an acronym for Patriot Conspiracy. And the FBI immediately began to back-peddle away from PATCON when I pressed them about what is PATCON. They came back and said, well, it was a small operation in Alabama designed to catch some folks who had stolen night-vision goggles from the military and were selling them. But it looked bigger than that. It looked much bigger than that. When I looked at the documents, I could see there were references to PATCON Group 1, PATCON Group 2, and a whole bunch of PATCON operations all over the United States. And I, over the years, kept pushing and pushing on PATCON, and more and more information started to come out.
But where the PATCON story really took off was last summer. I received a call from a man who told me, he said, I've been reading the information on the Internet about PATCON. He said, you have all the pieces, you just haven't put them together. And I said, what do you mean. He said, you don't see the big picture, and I'll come up and – I'll come out and see you and tell you about it, so he came to see me. He had been one of the major undercover operatives for the FBI in PATCON for about 10 years. PATCON ran throughout the '90s.
His health was bad. He said that he wanted to, I guess, set the record straight about what had happened. He had joined the FBI in filtrating about 23 groups. And he said his objective was, he felt that these groups were dangerous and a threat to the country. But looking back on it, he now sees that the real objective of the FBI was to infiltrate and then fight these groups so they could be crushed. And he said they targeted the right wing, the military movement, evangelical Christian right, and others who were out of favor perhaps with the government or were critical of the government. He said that Ruby Ridge was a PATCON operation, Waco was a PATCON operation. He told me that he believed Oklahoma City was a PATCON operation but he couldn't say for sure because he wasn't involved in that operation. But he thought it was a PATCON operation because the others who had worked with him on PATCON were there.
And PATCON is an ugly, ugly story. According to this man, that PATCON was running guns and ammunition, automatic weapons out of the same gun store in Arizona that's now the subject of the Fast and Furious scandal, and doing it in the '90s. So when Attorney General Holder says the government new nothing about PATCON – about Fast and Furious, that this a rogue operation run by a local ATF agent in Arizona, that's not true. The equivalent of PATCON, the prototype of PATCON was being run by the FBI and the ATF in the mid 1990s. Only there, they were funneling weapons and ammunition to the militia movement and the right, the extreme right of this country. And that's the real story. And if folks would get beyond Fast and Furious and look where the real story is, it will be PATCON.
I'd like to talk a little bit more about Elohim City. It's a fascinating place because of the people who were there. McVeigh was there. The Midwest Bank Robbers were there. Guthrie was there. Strassmeir was there. And as I started to probe the FBI for information related to Elohim City, I found out the ATF had informants there. The Secret Service was involved. And recently, I discovered that the CIA was involved. Now you have to ask yourself, what in the hell is the CIA doing involved with a right wing, evangelical Christian group in eastern Oklahoma. And when I pressed the CIA for documents and records linking Strassmeir, CIA, and Elohim City to the bombing, I received a denial from the CIA. And the reason they gave for not releasing anything to me was, and I quote, "Unauthorized release of this information could cause grave damage to our national security," unquote. For the first time in all these years I've been fighting the government for information under the Freedom of Information Act that is the only time that national security has ever been used as a reason not to turn over documents. And it is a bullet-proof exemption. All they have to do is say "national security," you can't look beyond that statement. But I think it's telling that they raised and played that national security card when I asked for information linking Strassmeir, the CIA, Elohim City, and the bombing. Immediately, they're back with that national security claim.
ROCKWELL: And, see, this is such a fascinating story. You know, we could have you on for a 24-hour podcast. And I'll hope you'll come back and tell us much more. But I thought, today, maybe if you would just finish up and talk a little bit about the case of the cameras on the Murrah Building and what happened to the videos, and you're fight to get access to those videos.
TRENTADUE: Once the CIA had played the national security card, I began to focus on the notion that there were surveillance tapes that would have shown the actual attack on the Murrah Building. And I was given a timeline that had been prepared by the government for purposes in the McVeigh trial. And the timeline said, and I quote, "Surveillance video shows the Ryder truck pulling up to the federal building and then pausing 7 to 10 seconds before resuming into a slot in front of the building. The same surveillance tape shows a truck detonation 3 minutes and 6 seconds after the suspects exited the vehicle."
Now "suspects" is significant because the FBI has always claimed there were only two people involved essentially, McVeigh and Nichols. Nichols was not with McVeigh that morning; that McVeigh did this all by himself. I filed a Freedom of Information Act for the surveillance camera tapes on the Murrah Building to support that. And, of course, the FBI refused to turn them over. I sue. And to support that lawsuit, I had an affidavit from a police officer in Oklahoma City who had arrived on scene within minutes of the bombing. He and others were in the rubble trying to save people. And he said to me that they were literally ordered out of the building at gun point by the FBI. And as he stood around, he watched the FBI take the surveillance cameras down off the building. Well, I sued to get those tapes. And the FBI doesn't deny they exist but they have told the federal judge, and what they told me, is they can't find them.
Now here you have a video tape of what was then the largest mass murder in the United States, showing the people who perpetrated it. You would have thought that it would have been "exhibit number one" in McVeigh's criminal trial, but it wasn't. No one has ever seen that tape. And when I pushed them for it and pushed them for it, they just keep saying we can't find it. And we have a hearing here in Salt Lake in March over the FBI's inability to find that video tape. To me, it's beyond incredible that they can't find that tape.
The reason they don't want that tape released is I have a suspicion that one of the people getting out of that truck on the morning of April 19, 1995, was working for the FBI. The FBI had, I now know, at least five or six undercover operatives linked in with McVeigh in Elohim City. What I don't know is the motivation behind the bombing. It is clear now that the FBI knew well in advance it was going to happen. It's reasonably clear, if you believe Terry Nichols, and I do, that an FBI operative provided the detonators for the explosive to explode the bomb. What is not clear is whether it was a sting operation gone bad, that the plan was to stop it but the FBI failed, or else they wanted it to happen, as horrible as that sounds. And that, I don't know. I don't have the answer to that. But it's clear they knew. It's clear that they facilitated the bombing, directly or indirectly. It's clear they didn't stop it.
ROCKWELL: Jesse, just to clear up one small point, unlike, say, surveillance cameras in a 7-Eleven or whatever, the tapes were not inside the camera but were rather recorded at a distance, is that correct?
TRENTADUE: Why these tapes were not destroyed in the bombing itself was the cameras were mounted on the exterior of the building but the tapes themselves were recorded off-site in a central location in Oklahoma City where apparently the surveillance cameras for all the federal buildings in the area were monitored and recorded. So they couldn't claim – the FBI couldn't claim that the tapes has been damaged or destroyed. They clearly had the tapes, when you look at these references to the surveillance cameras and what the cameras captured that morning. They just don't want to turn them over.
I think another point that's important to make here is this scandal, this cover up, for lack of a better word, transcends political affiliations. It goes from Republican to Democrat, to Democrat to Republican. And the reason is that the real power in this country are the people who run the agencies, those just below the elected officials and their appointees. These are the people – they're more or less a third party. We have Democrats and Republicans in the third party, are the people who run the agencies. The director of the FBI, for example, who stays in office from administration to administration, these are the people with the most to lose and the ones who work the hardest to keep this ugly secret a secret.
ROCKWELL: Well, Jesse Trentadue, keep doing what you're doing. You're an inspiring example of what one man can do even against something so vast as the federal government. It also shows that there are weaknesses in the walls surrounding the government. It is possible to get some truth out of them.
I hope you'll come back on the show and tell us about your progress, not only of this upcoming case in Oklahoma City about the tapes, but about all the other work you're doing.
I'd just say God bless you for what you're doing to bring justice for your brother and, I might add, for all of us.
So thanks. Thanks for coming on. Look forward to having you back.
TRENTADUE: Well, I appreciate being here. And it has come at a terrible price. I mean, my family – lost my mother and lost my father, been harassed constantly by the FBI. My parents were harassed in their last years of their lives by the FBI. It's just –
ROCKWELL: It's the secret police, right? I mean, these are – this is not an agency stemming out of sort of the original vision of the American republic. This is quite a nasty operation.
TRENTADUE: What I found is it's much like a living being. You would think that the federal government and the institutions of the federal government were established to protect and service us, the citizens, but that's not true. Their first function is to protect themselves, much like any living thing. So they're going to do everything in their power to preserve themselves and their power.
ROCKWELL: Well, thank you for all you're doing to try to prevent that from happening or at least to get some of the truth out. And I know this has been horrific for you and for your family. It would have been so easy for you to just sort of try to forget it and go on with your life, but you wouldn't allow that to happen. You put yourself on the line. You've had great achievements as a result.
Remind us, before we go, of your website, which, of course, we'll link to on the podcast as well.
TRENTADUE: It's kennethtrentadue.com.
ROCKWELL: And you've got all these documents up there?
TRENTADUE: They'll be linked to. Or you type in PATCON and Kenneth Trentadue, they'll show up.
And again, for your audience to know that I'm not making this up. These are coming out of government records.
ROCKWELL: Jesse, my audience especially is not going to have any problem – (laughter) – believing that. Thanks for talking to them. And, as I say, I hope you'll come back.
TRENTADUE: Thank you very much for having me, sir.
ROCKWELL: Well, thanks so much for listening to the LEW ROCKWELL SHOW today. Take a look at all the podcasts. There have been hundreds of them. There's a link on the upper right-hand corner of the LRC front page. Thank you.
September 10, 2012
|September 29th, 2012||#54|
Jesse Trentadue on the truth about the bombing
Mr. Jesse Trentadue is a lawyer in Salt Lake City, whose brother, Kenneth, was tortured and murdered by federal agents in a federal prison because of a case of mistaken identity involving the Oklahoma City bombing. This happened in 1995. Ever since then, Jesse has been an implacable pursuer of justice to an extraordinary extent. He's had extraordinary success against the FBI and other federal agencies trying to get the truth about what happened to his brother, and also the truth, as he's gone more and more into it, about what happened in Oklahoma City to the Murrah Building.
The following video is of his talk entitled "The Trentadue Case: No Time To Mourn"at the Seattle Town Hall on September 6, 2012. He continues to fight his battle for justice after 17 years. (1.00.09)
|January 17th, 2013||#55|
Join Date: Feb 2011
Blog Entries: 91
Half-caste negro Don Terry is an agent of the jewish Southern Poverty Law Center who habitually stalks VNNF. He 'reported' on the Oklahoma City Bombing which killed 168 people, including 19 children.
Since the Jesse Trentadue FOIA-acquired FBI director Louis Freeh memo absolutely establishes that the Southern Poverty Law Center had an agent working closely with the bombers, and this negro's mother herself was in C.O.R.E., there is a very real chance that Don Terry is a longtime agent/associate of the jewish Southern Poverty Law Center, not just a 2012 hire.
Scroll and read post #20 and beyond in this thread for more information on jewish Southern Poverty Law Center agent, half-caste, group Pulitzer prize affirmative-actioned Don Terry. He may well have been a helper of Andreas Strassmeir:
Last edited by Craig Cobb; January 17th, 2013 at 12:05 PM.
|March 11th, 2013||#57|
Join Date: Feb 2013
Federal Baby Incinerators decided babies would die that morning. Has any politicians ordered and investigation? Did they order an investigation of the Waco killings? What about 9/11? These are the very ones who are suppose to protect and represent us. More reason to buck the system. We need to do like Iceland and go after the bankers, but more important to write another Constitution.
|April 14th, 2014||#58|
Join Date: Apr 2014
I agree with this assessment...
I also believe that the ATF, FBI and SPLC know more than what they have told since 1995. They know that agents helped plan this bombing. I can see McVeigh being involved but he wasn't the ringleader or even a major player. Just the fallguy!
|July 28th, 2014||#59|
[Daily Mail with an article on Jesse Trentadue]
Did the Oklahoma City bomber have another accomplice? One man's mystery death in a jail cell and his brother's 19-YEAR quest for justice that could reopen case of attack that killed 168
- Jesse Trentadue believes his brother Kenneth was arrested by the FBI after the 1995 bombing in the belief he was Timothy McVeigh's accomplice
- Trentadue fit the description of the mysterious John Doe No. 2 and his brother believes he was killed by overzealous interrogators
- Kenneth Trentadue was found dead in a federal holding cell after authorities say he hanged himself
- Trentadue is suing the FBI to try to get them to reveal information he believes they've withheld from the public for nearly 20 years
- The FBI now maintains McVeigh acted alone on the day of the bombing, but had an accomplice in Terry Nichols and confidante in Michael Fortier
- Fortier was jailed for his role in the crime, which authorities say was failing to tell authorities what he knew
By BY TIM TALLEY AND BRADY MCCOMBS, ASSOCIATED PRESS
27 July 2014 | UPDATED: 05:47 EST, 28 July 2014
One man's quest to explain his brother's mysterious jail cell death 19 years ago has rekindled long-dormant questions about whether others were involved in the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing.
What some consider a far-flung conspiracy theory will be at the forefront during a trial set to begin Monday in Salt Lake City. The Freedom of Information Act lawsuit was brought by Salt Lake City attorney Jesse Trentadue against the FBI.
He says the agency won't release security camera videos that show a second person was with Timothy McVeigh when he parked a truck outside the Oklahoma City federal building and detonated a bomb, killing 168 people. The government claims McVeigh was alone.
In this July 16, 2014 photo, Salt Lake City attorney Jesse Trentadue speaks during an interview in Salt Lake City. Trentadue's quest to explain his brotherís mysterious jail cell death has rekindled long-dormant questions about whether others were involved in the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing. Trentadueís Freedom of Information Act lawsuit against the federal government goes to trial Monday, July 28, 2014, in Salt Lake City.
On a mission: Jesse Trentadue is on a quest to explain his brother's mysterious jail cell death that has rekindled long-dormant questions about whether others were involved in the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing
Looking for answers: Kenneth Trentadue was found bruised and stabbed by his family after the FBI said he hanged himself
Unsatisfied by the FBI's previous explanations, U.S. District Judge Clark Waddoups has ordered the agency to explain why it can't find videos from the bombing that are mentioned in evidence logs, citing the public importance of the tapes.
Trentadue believes the presence of a second suspect in the truck explains why his brother, Kenneth Trentadue, was flown to Oklahoma several months after the bombing, where he died in a federal holding cell in what was labeled a suicide.
What do they know? The FBI claims Timothy McVeigh was alone when he planted the car bomb that killed 168 in 1995, but some conspiracy theorists believe Trentadue died as part of the agency's investigation into a second man who was on the scene with McVeigh
His brother bore a striking resemblance to the police sketch that officials sent out after the bombing based on witness descriptions of the enigmatic suspect 'John Doe No. 2,' who was the same height, build and complexion. The suspect was never identified.
'I did not start out to solve the Oklahoma City bombing, I started out for justice for my brother's murder,' Jesse Trentadue said. 'But along the way, every path I took, every lead I got, took me to the bombing.'
The FBI says it can't find anything to suggest the videos exist, and says it would be 'unreasonably burdensome' to do a search that would take a single staff person more than 18 months to conduct.
Jesse Trentadue's belief that the tapes exists stems from a Secret Service document written shortly after the bombing that describes security video footage of the attack that shows suspects - in plural - exiting the truck three minutes before it went off.
A Secret Service agent testified in 2004 that the log does, in fact, exist but that the government knows of no videotape. The log that the information was pulled from contained reports that were never verified, said Stacy A. Bauerschmidt, then-assistant to the special agent in charge of the agency's intelligence division.
Several investigators and prosecutors who worked the case told The Associated Press in 2004 they had never seen video footage like that described in the Secret Service log.
The FBI has released 30 video recordings to Trentadue from downtown Oklahoma City, but those recordings don't show the explosion or McVeigh's arrival in a rental truck.
If he wins at trial, Trentadue hopes to be able to search for the tapes himself rather than having to accept the FBI's answer that they don't exist.
Kathy Sanders and Jannie Coverdale, who both lost grandchildren in the bombing, are grateful for Trentadue's pursuit of the case. Sanders said she's been waiting 19 years to see the tapes.
The wreckage of the Alfred P Murrah building burned itself into the national psyche in 19956 but did McVeigh have company when he planted the bomb that did it?
FILE PHOTO 10MAY95 - The jury in the second Oklahoma City bombing trial convicted Terry Nichols of conspiracy and involuntary manslaughter in the 1995 attack that killed 168 people December 23. Nichols is pictured leaving the Federal Court Building in Wichita May 10 1995 after being charged in the bombing... .. BOMBING VERDICT - RTR9P7V
FILE PHOTO 2MAY95 - Michael Fortier, the man convicted of failing to warn police about the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing that killed 168 people lost his bid on October 8 to get out of jail earlier than his sentence of 12 years. A federal judge returned Michael Fortier to prison for the full term, rejecting Fortier's request to be released after an appeals court ruled in June that his original sentence was invalid. Fortier, who has served four years of his 12-year sentence, is shown at a doorway in Kingman, Arizona receiving a pizza delivery in this May 2, 1995 file photo... .. SV/JP - RTRRCZT
Was another man involved? Terry Nichols (left) was sentenced to life in prison for helping McVeigh plot his terrorist act. Michael Fortier, the star witness in the Oklahoma City bombing trials, was released from federal prison in 2006 after serving a sentence for failing to inform authorities of what he knew about the bombing plot
'It is worth pursuing,' Coverdale said. 'I know there was somebody else. I have never stopped asking questions.'
But former Oklahoma Rep. Susan Winchester, whose sister, Dr. Margaret 'Peggy' Clark, was killed in the bombing, said she is satisfied that officials have identified everyone responsible for the bombing.
'I was very comfortable with the decisions that came out of the federal and state trials,' Winchester said. 'I have reached that point in my life where I can continue.'
Jesse Trentadue's mission began four months after the bombing when his brother died at the U.S. Bureau of Prisons' Federal Transfer Center in Oklahoma City. Kenneth Trentadue, 44, a convicted bank robber and construction worker, was brought there after being picked up for probation violations while coming back to the U.S. at the Mexican border, Jesse Trentadue said.
His death was officially labeled a suicide. But his body had 41 wounds and bruises that his brother believes were the result of a beating. In 2008, a federal judge awarded the family $1.1 million in damages for extreme emotional distress in the government's handling of the death, but the amount was reduced to $900,000 after an appeal.
Jesse Trentadue's best guess about the motive is that his brother died in an interrogation gone wrong by investigators demanding information Kenneth Trentadue didn't have.
Jesse Trentadue filed the Freedom of Information Act lawsuit in 2008.
Taking the feds to court: Now Trentadue is on a mission to reveal the truth about his brother's death and his suing the FBI to get answers
Going toe-to-toe with the federal government has come at a personal price for Jesse Trentadue, 67, who says he's lost time with his children and wife that he can't recover.
But he has no regrets, fueled by his love for his brother. Just three years apart, the two shared a bed, hunted coons together and played on the same sports teams growing up in a coal camp in West Virginia.
Their paths diverged as adults - Jesse becoming an attorney while Kenneth fell into drugs and crime - but the brotherly bond never broke. Before his death, Kenneth Trentadue had overcome his heroin addiction and had a newborn baby at home in San Diego, Jesse Trentadue said. The brothers spoke by phone from jail the night before his death, with the two discussing how he would soon be out.
'What I learned growing up in the coal fields is that you fight even when you know you can't win,' he said. 'Because you have to make a stand on some things. Justice for my brother is certainly one of them.'
Last edited by Alex Linder; July 28th, 2014 at 09:52 AM.
|November 16th, 2014||#60|
[dozens of links in original]
They'll Be Back: PATCON, Oklahoma City, and Jesse Trentadue's Lonely Crusade for Justice
By William Norman Grigg
Pro Libertate Blog
November 15, 2014
“His name used to be Don Jarrett,” long-time federal asset John Matthews told FBI Special Agent Adam Quirk during a July 9 phone call. Matthews was concerned that he would have to testify in a lawsuit filed by Salt Lake City attorney Jesse Trentadue seeking the release of long-concealed video tapes from the `1995 Oklahoma City bombing. Trentadue believes that the suppressed tapes would help identify “John Doe II,” a dark-haired, heavy-set man seen by dozens of people in the company of Timothy McVeigh on the day of the bombing.
“John Doe II” remains at large, and the FBI is perversely determined to protect him. For reasons that will be explained anon, Trentadue is convinced that learning his identity is necessary in order to obtain a measure of justice on behalf of his late brother Kenneth, who was killed while in federal custody shortly after the bombing.
Matthews was scheduled to testify during a federal court hearing in Salt Lake City last July. On the basis of what he had told Trentadue, Matthews was expected to describe how the FBI was closely monitoring McVeigh in the hours leading up to the bombing.
The FBI continues to insist – despite abundant evidence to the contrary – that there was no advance warning of the OKC terrorist attack, and that John Doe II and the “others unknown” referred to in Timothy McVeigh’s indictment do not exist.
Trentadue maintains that there is a “strong possibility” that the long-suppressed video recordings captured McVeigh in the company of a second person who would be identifiable as “an FBI undercover operative.”
During the July 9th phone call with Matthews, Mr. Jarrett told the jittery federal informant to avoid testifying if he could, and to perjure himself if he must. He was also instructed to call Special Agent Quirk, who eagerly reinforced that advice.
“I ain’t goin’ and I ain’t saying nothing unless somebody issues me a subpoena,” Matthews told Quirk,according to a transcript obtained by Trentadue. Even if “they haul my ass to Salt Lake City, I’m gonna set [sic] there on the stand and say I don’t recall anything.”
“That’s fine,” was Quirk’s approving reply to Matthews’ announced intent to commit perjury.
In a conversation on the following day, Matthews reiterated his determination to avoid a subpoena.
“Well, yeah, and I mean – worst case scenario, even if you testified you can just – you can say you have, you know – you have nothing to say,” advised Quirk.
Matthews, eager to please a high-ranking officer of the American Cheka, suggested that he might take a trip in order to avoid receiving a subpoena.
“That’s fine,” gloated Quirk. “F*ck ‘em, right?”
It was during the second conversation with Quirk that Matthews explicitly mentioned his role as an undercover operative in an FBI initiative called called PATCON, or “Patriot Conspiracy.” This was a long-term provocation campaign in which the Bureau sought “to infiltrate and incite the militia and evangelical Christians to violence so that the Department of Justice could crush them,” explains Trentadue.
The man Matthews had known as “Don Jarrett” had been his FBI handler – and apparently still is, given the deference to him shown by Matthews. Now that the Regime has largely shifted its domestic focus from Muslims back to “sovereign citizens,” Jarrett is probably busy orchestrating homeland security theater operations involving the “Radical Right.”
Assuming that “Don Jarrett” is still the name of Matthews’ former handler, he may currently be working as an “Independent Insurance Professional” in Florida. According to his vita, Jarrett retired from the FBI in 1998, becoming an insurance investigator and security consultant for the NFL. It’s not clear how he wound up in Afghanistan last year: A May 1, 2013 email to Matthews reported that he was in Afghanistan, and that he expected to leave at the end of June. Using his last known email address, I sent Jarrett a number of questions to which he has not replied. Given PATCON’s history the chances are pretty good that wherever Jarrett finds himself, bad things are being done to innocent people.
“Ruby Ridge was a PATCON operation,” Trentadue has pointed out. “Waco was a PATCON operation. And so, too, I believe, was the Oklahoma City Bombing.”
The same is probably true of the little-remembered October 1995 sequel to the OKC Bombing – the derailment of the Sunset Limited, an Amtrak train carrying 248 passengers. Sleeping car attendant Mitchell Bates was killed and 78 others were injured when four of the train’s 12 cars careened off a 30-foot trestle.
A rail joint bar supporting a critical section of the track had been removed by a saboteur who also knew how to short-circuit sensors that would have alerted the Amtrak engineer of trouble on the tracks ahead. Typewritten notes on both sides of the track expressed outrage over the familiar litany of federal crimes and claimed responsibility on behalf of a group calling itself “Sons of Gestapo” (SOG).
Publication of the SOG manifesto caused many foreheads to crease in puzzlement: This was a right-wing terrorist group so obscure that its existence was unknown even to Morris Dees and his ever-vigilant comrades, who are sensitive to every tremor of “right-wing extremism” occurring anywhere in the soyuz.
SOG was unknown prior to the derailment, and hasn’t been heard from since. The FBI insists that it is continuing to investigate the derailment. For the past seven years, Victor Hooper, an electrical engineer from Anaheim, California, has been telling anybody in the Bureau who will listen that he knows who carried out that attack, and why it was done.
“That derailment was carried out by some of the people who helped McVeigh build the bomb for Oklahoma City,” Hooper insisted during a telephone interview with me. He claims to have known at least two of them as neighbors in Anaheim, where they became involved in drug trafficking as part of a neo-Nazi criminal syndicate –and that John Doe II is actually a young man he has known since childhood.
As Hooper tells the story, the man he identifies as John Doe II and whose identity is known to the FBI, worked closely with Kingman, Arizona resident Michael Fortier, who was involved in the OKC bombing plot and spent ten years in prison after agreeing to testify against McVeigh. According to Hooper, John Doe II told him that “McVeigh was trained in sabotage and taught him how to derail a train.”
Following the bombing, and publication of a composite sketch of “John Doe II,” FBI agents descended on Kingman en masse. Hooper claims that “Doe” and a handful of co-conspirators (who originally called themselves “Kings of Kings,” before adopting the moniker “Sons of Gestapo”) staged the Amtrak attack as a diversion, working in cooperation with another, longer-established neo-Nazi group.
“I heard these guys talking about derailing a train, but at the time I didn’t take it seriously,” Hooper told me. “For years I’ve been trying to get the FBI to act on this, and I’ve been told that the investigation is still open, but they’re not doing anything about this. They moved heaven and earth to get Osama bin Laden, but their investigation into John Doe II has been lackluster, at best. Why are they denying the testimony of twenty witnesses who saw McVeigh with another John Doe, and saying that John Doe II didn’t exist?”
“The FBI says that they’ve investigated the case, and they’ve planted agents around the people involved in the train derailment,” Hooper continued. “But it’s been nearly twenty years now, and they’ve not done anything about it.”
During his conversation with me, Hooper made it clear that he doesn’t hold Jesse Trentadue in particularly high esteem. However, they emphatically agree that the FBI knows the identity of John Doe II, and continues to protect him.
In a motion asking federal District Judge Clark Waddoups to hold the FBI in contempt of court, Tretadue points out that in 1995, Jarrett was involved in the Kingman, Arizona branch of the OKC Bombing investigation. At the time he was involved with the FBI’s Joint Terrorism Task Force in Phoenix, which was obsessively focused on “right-wing extremism.” The FBI poured a huge amount of resources into the Amtrak derailment investigation, which it styled “Operation Splitrail.” As is nearly always the case, the operation was either a huge failure as an investigation, or a hugely successful effort to avoid solving the crime. Trentadue learned as much when he was “contacted by a man named Victor Hooper … who claimed to have information about both the Bombing and the Palo Verde train derailment that occurred in Arizona shortly after the Bombing. Hooper told [Trentadue] that the derailment was done to distract the FBI from the Arizona part of the Bombing investigation.”
During a conversation with Matthews in 2013, Trentadue recounted what Hooper had told him. That information was relayed by Matthews to his handler, and a short time later Jarrett contacted Trentadue to tell him that the derailment case “was still open; that the derailment had in fact caused resources to be shifted away from the Arizona portion of the Bombing investigation; and that Jarrett himself was transferred from the Bombing investigation to the [derailment] case.”
Even more importantly, Jarrett demanded that Trentadue “keep the Hooper information confidential because Hooper knew things about how the derailment was carried out that only the perpetrators would have known and that he, Jarrett, or others within the FBI would follow up with Hooper.”
By “follow up,” Trentadue understood, Jarrett probably meant “shut down.” This can mean witness tampering, as in the case of John Matthews. It could mean protecting the identity of key undercover operatives, such as “John Doe II.” In the case of Kenneth Trentadue, it meant killing someone who had been misidentified as an FBI asset with critical knowledge of the Bureau’s role in the OKC bombing plot. For the better part of two decades, Trentadue has tenaciously pursued the truth about the murder of his brother Kenneth while in federal custody.
On parole after serving prison time for bank robbery, Kenneth was detained in San Diego for a supposed parole violation and transported to the Federal Transfer Facility in Oklahoma City shortly after the bombing. His body was “found” hanging in its cell on August 21.
In body type, facial features, age, and even criminal record, Kenneth was a near-twin of Richard Lee Guthrie, a bank robber who was already in federal custody. Guthrie had been involved in a gang called the Aryan Republican Army (ARA) that staged bank robberies to fund domestic terrorism – including, apparently, the OKC bombing. Along with McVeigh, members of the ARA were frequent guests at a white supremacist commune in Oklahoma called Elohim City, which was overrun by government undercover operatives: German national Andres Strassmeir, Klan activist Dennis Mahon, Robert Millar, and former OKC socialite-turned-ATF asset Carol Howe.
The Feds who detained Kenneth Trentadue and beat him to death thought they were disposing of Guthrie,who knew enough about the government’s role in the OKC bombing to betroublesome. Not long after Kenneth was murdered, Guthrie fell victim to his own oddly staged “suicide.” This would have tied up some critical loose ends – if Kenneth’s family hadn’t found a dangling thread, and pulled on it has hard as they could.
By the time Kenneth’s mother Wilma was informed of his death, the crime scene was sanitized and the body prepared for cremation. Through her shock and bereavement, Wilma Trentadue had the clarity of mind to demand that her son’s body be preserved for a funeral.
As Wilma and older brother Jesse were finally allowed to see Kenneth’s mortal remains, they were further afflicted by the company of Michael Hood, regional counsel for the Bureau of Prisons.
As Jesse later recalled the conversation, the suitably named Hood issued a singularly unsubtle warning: “The Bureau of Prisons, the FBI and the U.S. Attorney’s office — we’re one big Justice Department.”
Jesse was astute enough to understand the import of that remark, and brave enough to treat it with the contempt it deserved. His resolution hardened into fury when he and his mother peeled away several layers of crudely applied makeup and examined the condition of Kenneth’s body.
“My brother had been so badly beaten that I personally saw several mourners leave the viewing to vomit in the parking lot!” Jesse wrote in an August 30, 1995 letter to the Bureau of Prisons that pulsated with tightly controlled rage. “Anyone seeing my brother’s battered body with his bruised and lacerated forehead, throat cut, and blue-black knuckles would not have concluded that his death was either easy or a ‘suicide’!”
Kenneth had committed crimes in his life and made his full allotment of mistakes, but at the time of his abduction he was the married, honestly employed father of a young child.
Finding himself the hopeless captive of the most despicable human beings defiling the earth, Kenneth defiantly chose to die on his own terms, thereby leaving behind evidence that his death was an act of state-sponsored murder, rather than despairing suicide.
“Had my brother been less of a man, your guards would have been able to kill him without inflicting so much injury to his body,” Jesse pointed out in his letter to the BoP. “Had that occurred, Kenney’s family would forever be guilt-ridden over his death. Each of us would have lived with the pain of thinking that Kenneth took his own life and that we had somehow failed him. By making the fight he did for his life, Ken has saved us that pain, and God bless for having done so!”
In 2001, a federal judge ruled that the FBI had lied about the circumstances of Kenneth Trentadue’s death, and had destroyed vital evidence in the case. The family received $1.1 million in damages, $250,000 of which was set aside as a reward for information leading to the prosecution and conviction of Kenneth’s murderers. Jesse Trentadue has continued to pursue civil action against the FBI, beginning with his demand to see the suppressed video footage of the bombing. The Bureau, displaying the resourcefulness of inveterate liars with unlimited funds, has employed every dilatory and diversionary tactic it can conjure, including the remarkable excuse that the recordings are lost somewhere in the trackless depths of the agency’s evidence from the OKC bombing investigation.
Today (November 13) Trentadue was in court seeking to have the Bureau held in contempt, and asking for the appointment of a “special master” to “oversee [the FBI’s] compliance with the court’s orders, particularly relating to the allegations of witness tampering, and with Plaintiff’s FOIA request.” While acknowledging the agency’s misbehavior, and “chiding” them for it, Judge Waddoups declined to sanction the Bureau. That limp rebuke prompted a protest from the FBI’s attorney, Kathryn Wyer, who indignantly insisted that the matter was closed because the Bureau had investigated itself and found no wrongdoing.
In 2007, shortly after filing his FOIA request for the OKC bombing videos, Jesse Trentadue contacted by convicted co-conspirator Terry Nichols, who is serving a life sentence for his role in the bombing and cannot be tried again on capital charges. With Trentadue’s assistance, Nichols filed a deposition in a Salt Lake City federal court.
In that sworn statement, Nichols claimed that McVeigh — who allegedly had been recruited as an undercover intelligence asset while in the Army — had been working under the supervision of Larry Potts, the same FBI official who wrote the murderous “rules of engagement” at Ruby Ridge and later supervised the annihilation of the Branch Davidians at Mt. Carmel, Texas. Coordinating the OKC operation was a Deputy Attorney General named Eric Holder, who later played an important role in covering up the circumstances of Kenneth Trentadue’s death.
Trentadue’s legal crusade began as an act of filial loyalty. It has become a struggle to expose the truth about the FBI’s ongoing campaign of surveillance, infiltration, provocation, and political murder.
“The reason [the FBI] doesn’t want that tape released is … that one of the people getting out of that truck on the morning of April 19, 1995, was working for the FBI,” Trentadue said in an interview with Lew Rockwell. “The FBI had, I now know, at least five or six undercover operatives linked in with McVeigh in Elohim City. What I don’t know is the motivation behind the bombing…. What is not clear is whether it was a sting operation gone bad, that the plan was to stop it but the FBI failed, or else they wanted it to happen, as horrible as that sounds…. It’s clear that they facilitated the bombing, directly or indirectly. It’s clear they didn’t stop it.”
As is so often the case, the best defense the Regime can make on its behalf is to plead murderous incompetence. In the best Soviet-style tradition of bureaucratic privilege, those most deeply implicated in the crime have been abundantly rewarded.
Today, Larry Potts enjoys a well-compensated sinecure as a Vice President with ambiguous duties for the Scientific Games Corporation. Eric Holder, who reinstated the OKC-inspired domestic terrorism task force in January of this year, is stepping down as Attorney General in anticipation of an even more lucrative reward. John Doe II and his associates remain at large, as does Mr. Jarrett, and countless other members of the FBI’s merry troupe of Homeland Security Theater players. We’ll be hearing from them again. (My thanks to commenter “ATFsux,” who pointed out some important information about Mr. Jarrett’s background.)
Last edited by Alex Linder; November 16th, 2014 at 09:51 AM.