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Old December 28th, 2016 #1
RickHolland
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Default The Myth of the Andalusian Paradise - "Al-Andalus"



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In addition, several primary Muslim sources (among them Akhbar Majmua, al-Qutiyya, Ibn al-Athir, al-Khatib, al-Razi, Ibn Idhari al-Marrakushi, and al-Maqqari) as well as Christian sources (among them Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada [1170–1247]) record that the Jewish community sided with the invaders and kept guard over major cities after they had fallen to Muslim armies—a collaboration not surprising in view of the Visigoths’ anti-Jewish legislation. This support also helps explain militarily the relative speed of the Muslim conquest: it permitted Islamic forces to move rapidly on without having to leave behind substantial contingents to protect their rear guard and lines of communication, which allowed them to show up unexpectedly at key strategic points, terrifying both civilians and enemy garrisons.

Finally, the invaders used a mixture of “shock and awe” tactics and “peaceful” treaties. In the “peaceful” treaties, the Muslim conquerors granted momentary privileges and autonomy to those Visigoth secular and religious leaders who did not resist and who paid a tribute (as shown in the treatise with the lord Theodomir), allowing them to keep, at least for a time, their land, servants, and religion. This approach was necessary because the invaders were initially far less numerous than the natives.

But as both Muslim and Christian sources attest, the Islamic forces were more ruthless and knew how to demoralize an enemy better than any army since the Roman conquest. Both Muslim and Christian sources mention a story that, even if apocryphal, illustrates the knowledge of the tactical use of terror in psychological warfare. Shortly after the Islamic forces landed, the flesh of the cadavers of some Christians killed in battle were boiled in large cauldrons under the sight of terrified Christian prisoners, who became convinced that the Muslims were cannibals. The Muslims then set loose the prisoners, who, al-Kardabus says, “told every Christian they met what they had seen, so that Allah filled their hearts with panic. Afterwards came the battle against Rodrigo.”

The Muslim historians al-Kardabus and Abd al-Wahid al-Marrakushi write that Musa Ibn Nusayr sacked, enslaved, and spent three years waging jihad against the Spanish infidels. Along with al-Kardabus, al-Marrakushi and al-Maqqari say that Musa spent as much time “pillaging” as “organizing” the conquered land. These sources also mention that several members of the tabiun (a generation of pious Muslims who were direct disciples of Muhammad’s Companions) entered Spain to direct the jihad and the conversion of the land. The presence of these members of the tabiun underlines the fundamentally religious motivation of the invasion—a jihad.

If Christians resisted, a massacre would follow after a Muslim victory. Near Orihuela, the defeated Christians were punished with extermination.

After the Muslims took Córdoba in a furious assault, the remaining Christian defenders retreated to a church to continue fighting. According to al-Maqqari, the Muslims put the building to the torch and the Christians inside died, without surrendering; according to al-Kardabus, when the Christians surrendered, the Muslim commander had them beheaded. According to the Akhbar Majmua, the Muslim commander then left Córdoba in the hands of the Jewish community.

Toledo, the Visigoth capital, offered no resistance to the rapid advance of the Islamic forces because most warriors had marched with King Rodrigo to meet the enemy. Nonetheless, Musa executed some aged Toledan nobles for reasons that scholars do not agree on, but perhaps it was simply pour encourager les autres.

According to al-Athir, the invaders left Jews, accompanied by a certain number of Muslim warriors, in charge of Toledo and moved on to Guadalajara. The Muslims forces captured Seville after a siege, sending the Christian warriors fleeing to the North. According to al-Athir, the invaders again left the Jewish community to guard the city. In front of Merida, the Islamic forces followed a victory with a massacre of the fleeing “polytheists.”

Back in Seville, when Christians revolted against the occupying Muslim-Jewish garrison, a reinforced Muslim army retook the city and massacred the inhabitants. According to the Akhbar Majmua and al-Khatib, after taking Elvira (Arabic garbling of the ancient name Illiberis, eventually renamed Granada), the conquerors also left the Jewish community in charge.

Source: The Myth of the Andalusian Paradise by Darío Fernández-Morera
http://diversitymachtfrei.blogspot.p...h-muslims.html




Quote:
Here are some extracts from the book The Myth of the Andalusian Paradise by Darío Fernández-Morera, which I have written about before (here and here) and will discuss more in future. Listen to an interview with the author above.

CITATION BEGINS

The price of a slave depended on his or her race, sex, age, and abilities. White slaves, especially blond ones, often captured in raids of Christian lands, were the most prized. In the year 912, during the Islamic Golden Age of the Umayyad Caliphate of Córdoba, the price for a male black slave was 200 dirhems [coins] of silver. A black girl from Nubia went for 300 dinars of gold. A white girl without education cost 1,000 dinars of gold. A white girl with singing abilities cost 14,000 dinars. In Abd al-Rahman III’s court there were 3,750 slaves, his harem had 6,300 women, and his army included 13,750 slave warriors. A document from the twelfth century tells of the tricks used by sellers of slaves in the Muslim slave markets: merchants would put ointments on slave girls of a darker complexion to whiten their faces; brunettes were placed for four hours in a solution to make them blond (“golden”); ointments were placed on the face and body of black slaves to make them “prettier.”



Ibn Hazm, himself of European (Spanish) Christian origin, wrote that most Abbasid rulers in the Middle East and all Umayyad rulers in al-Andalus had sexual slave mothers. Many of these mothers were of Caucasian origin. The Arab chronicler Ibn al-Qutiyya, himself of European (Visigoth) Christian descent, affirmed that the descendants of Sarah “The Goth,” a Christian sexual slave, were more illustrious and prestigious within the Andalusian Islamic community than the children her Muslim husband had with other women (in Islamic law, children of Muslim men and non-Muslim women must be brought up as Muslims).

As Arabist Celia del Moral observes, the Umayyads particularly valued blond or red-haired Franc and Galician women as sexual slaves. Indeed, the physical appearance of several Spanish Muslim princes betrayed their descent from Caucasian slave mothers. The Middle East–born founder of the Umayyad dynasty in Spain, Abd al-Rahman I (reigned 755–788), was blond; Hisham I (reigned 788–796) had very white skin and reddish hair; Muhammad I (reigned 852–886) had a pink face; Abd Allah b. Muhammad (reigned 888–912) had white skin, a pink face, blue eyes, and blond hair; Caliph Abd al-Rahman III (reigned 912–961) had white skin, a pink face, and blue eyes, and he tinted his blond hair black to appear more “Arabic” to his subjects; Caliph Hakam al-Mostancir II (reigned 961–976) had reddish hair; and Caliph Hisham II (reigned since 976 variously as a puppet until his assassination in 1013), the last Umayyad ruler, and the son of a Basque sexual slave, a “skilled singer [who] exerted over [his father] great influence,” was blond, with blue eyes and a reddish beard. Abd al-Rahman V al-Mustazhir (assassinated in Córdoba in 1024), who reigned briefly after the death of Almanzor, was blond, and the son of a sexual slave. The founder of the presumably “Arab” dynasty of the Nasrids of Granada, Muhammad b. Nasr (d. 1273), was called “The Red One” (al-Hamar) because of his red beard. Initially, the invaders of al-Andalus were mostly men. Therefore, as Arabic sources indicate, the practice of having children with Spanish Christian women probably began when the son of Musa took as one of his several wives Queen Egilo (or Egilona), widow of the Visigoth king Rodrigo. The European presence in the lineage of Muslim rulers did not stop with the arrival of the Berber Almohads: the Almohad caliph Abu Yusuf Yaqub b. Yaqub b. Abd al-Mumin b. Ali (d. 1198) was the son of a Christian sexual slave girl. Similarly, we know that one of the kings of the taifa kingdom of Granada, Muhammad Ibn Yusuf Nasr (d. 1310) took as one of his wives the captured female Christian ruler of the city of Bedmar, María Jiménez, and had from her several children.

The Spanish Arabist Julián Ribera calculated that, as a result of this sexual intercourse with Caucasian Christian girls, each generation of Umayyad rulers saw its genetic “Arab” component reduced by half, so that the last Umayyad, Hisham II (976–1013), would have had approximately 0.09 percent of “Arabic” genetic makeup. Ribera concluded that already by their second generation Umayyad rulers in al-Andalus had far more European than “Arab” genes; that a similar process of geometrically increased mating between Muslims and native Spanish Christian women or their eventually Muslim female descendants must have diluted dramatically the non-European genetic makeup of the general population of al-Andalus; and that this European Christian factor, with its presumably greater love of individual liberty and regard for the individual human being as opposed to the group, contributed to the again presumably greater “freedom” women enjoyed in Islamic Spain as opposed to other regions of the umma. Whatever one may think of Ribera’s imaginative last conclusion in view of what we now know about the actual condition of Muslim women in Islamic Spain, it is not unlikely that the process he describes would have influenced al-Andalus culturally and socially. Writing in the fourteenth century, the historian Ibn al-Khatib described the inhabitants of Granada as “white skinned.”

The Arabist Felipe Maíllo Salgado has pointed out that modern genetic studies show that the genetic presence of populations from the Middle East and Berber North Africa in the present-day Spanish population is minimal.

Such was the cultural impact on the Islamic Middle Ages of Caucasian sexual slaves from Christian lands that the Turkish word kiz, meaning “girl,” “slave girl,” and “sexual slave girl” (or “concubine”) came to mean also “Christian woman” in Islamic usage.

Analogously, the Arabic word sakaliba (probably derived from the Greek Σλάβος or “Slav”), referring to blond or red-haired peoples, came to designate the child or adult slaves from the eastern and northern European lands, who played a key role in the armies and politics of Muslim states. The tenth-century historian and geographer Ibn Hawqal wrote that in Spain the name sakaliba, as well as “Slavs,” was given to all the white slaves of foreign origin, not only from northern and eastern Europe but also from Christian Galicia and northern Spain, Lombardy, the land of the Franks, and Calabria, who populated the palaces, harems, and the armies, especially the body guards, of the Andalusian rulers. As Mohammed Meouak, professor of Islamic civilizations at the University of Cadiz, points out, in Umayyad Córdoba these Islamized white slaves made up most of the administrative personnel in the Umayyad palaces and courts. As freedmen, some of these “Slavs” seized power and became kings of taifa kingdoms after the disintegration of the Caliphate of Córdoba.

The impact of Caucasian sexual slave women on the Muslim rulers of the Middle East was equally significant. As Ibn Hazm noted, in the Middle East the mothers of most Abbasid caliphs were Caucasian sexual slaves, often of Greek, Balkan, or Persian origin. In Egypt, slaves of Turkish, Mongol, Caucasian (Circassians, Georgians, Greeks or Rum, Frankish), and other origins constituted a dynasty, the Mamluks, that lasted for several generations.

CITATION ENDS
http://www.dailystormer.com/al-andal...r-white-women/




Quote:
I've finished reading The Myth of the Andalusian Paradise and can give it my highest recommendation. I'll write about it some more in future blog posts. My favourite element of the book is where he quotes various Islamophilic "scholars" who have lauded Islam's tolerance and the supposedly happy and peaceful coexistence in Muslim-controlled Spain and then makes these quotes look ridiculous through his own scholarship.

One example of this is the praise bestowed on the "liberated" women of Al-Andalus, some of whom left poetry or other written works. Muslims and feminists have claimed that this shows Islam was more enlightened and accepting of female empowerment than Christian civilisation was. Many of these writers seem to be unaware that the "liberated women" they are talking about were, in fact, captured Christians forced to serve as Muslim sex slaves. To please their masters more, and to enhance their resale value, they were forced to study poetry and various branches of learning. This is what feminists consider "female empowerment". I'll omit the standard quote facility because this is a long passage and italics weary the eye.

Universalism, longtime-defended by the prophets since Noah, Abraham, and Moses, reaffirmed by Christ in the name of the new covenant, and realized in Islam, in the Andalusian model of Spain, is a permanent virtue in a Palestinian model [that would supersede Israel] in which Jews, Christians, and Muslims can live again and under its protection [emphasis added]. —Hassan Hanafi, Chairman of the Department of Philosophy at Cairo University, cited as “a leading exponent in contemporary Islam of the reconciliation between faith and reason” in Arthur Herzberg, Jewish Polemics (New York: Columbia University Press, 1992), 224

In Maliki jurisprudence, a slave girl, either bought at the marketplace or captured in war, with whom her master had sex, became his sexual slave or jariya (or djariya, a “concubine”). Under the Umayyads, al-Andalus became a center for the trade and distribution of slaves: young female sexual slaves, sometimes as young as eleven years old; male children castrated to become eunuchs in the harems; male children brought up in barracks to be slave warriors; male children used as the sexual playthings of the powerful and wealthy (as in the case of Abd al-Rahman III’s “love” for the Christian boy Pelayo); men used as servants or workers—for every conceivable use human beings of all ages and races were bought and sold.

The price of a slave depended on his or her race, sex, age, and abilities. White slaves, especially blond ones, often captured in raids of Christian lands, were the most prized. In the year 912, during the Islamic Golden Age of the Umayyad Caliphate of Córdoba, the price for a male black slave was 200 dirhems [coins] of silver. A black girl from Nubia went for 300 dinars of gold. A white girl without education cost 1,000 dinars of gold. A white girl with singing abilities cost 14,000 dinars. In Abd al-Rahman III’s court there were 3,750 slaves, his harem had 6,300 women, and his army included 13,750 slave warriors. A document from the twelfth century tells of the tricks used by sellers of slaves in the Muslim slave markets: merchants would put ointments on slave girls of a darker complexion to whiten their faces; brunettes were placed for four hours in a solution to make them blond (“golden”); ointments were placed on the face and body of black slaves to make them “prettier.”

“The merchant tells the slave girls to act in a coquettish manner with the old men and with the timid men among the potential buyers to make them crazy with desire. The merchant paints red the tips of the fingers of a white slave; he paints in gold those of a black slave; and he dresses them all in transparent clothes, the white female slaves in pink and the black ones in yellow and red.”

A thirteenth-century epistle by the faqih Abu Bakr al-Bardai shows how a respectable Muslim man in al-Andalus would regard a sexual slave girl as a source of “love. The poetry of the twelfth-century writer al-Saraqusti Ibn al-Astarkuwi is a good example of this “delightful Andalusian love poetry” that so many Western scholars have praised, oblivious to its sordid cultural context: that it is about sexual slave girls, not about the secluded hurras or muhsanas [Muslim women] of al-Andalus, who went about covered from head to toe.

In the Islamic world, harems (not a Christian institution, for contrary to what is sometimes written, there were no harems in the Christian Greek Roman Empire) swarmed with female captives from foreign lands: white women from Persia, Kurdistan, the Christian Greek Roman Empire, Christian Spain and Armenia; darker ones from Ethiopia, Sudan, and India. Harun al-Rashid had a thousand sexual slaves; Al-Mutawakkil had four thousand; Abd al-Rahman III had more than six thousand; al-Mutamid of Seville, overthrown by the Almoravids, left behind a harem of eight hundred women, counting wives, sexual slaves, and female domestic servants. The Moroccan writer Fatima Mernissi recounts: The harems became places of the greatest luxury where the most beautiful women of the world played their cultural differences and mastery of diverse skills and knowledge like winning cards for seducing caliphs and viziers.

In order to seduce these men, it was not enough just to bat one’s eyelashes. One had to dazzle them in the fields that fascinated them, astrology, mathematics, fiqh, and history. On top of these came poetry and song. Pretty girls who got lost in serious conversations had no chance to be noticed, and even less chance to last; and the favorites, who knew this very well, surrounded themselves with competent teachers.

Ibn Hazm commented on these women’s total dedication to sexual conquest as the underlying reason for their various skills: “As for the reason why this instinct [this preoccupation with sexual matters] is so deeply rooted in women, I see no other explanation than that they have nothing else to fill their minds, except loving union and what brings it about, flirting and how it is done, intimacy and the various ways of achieving it. This is their sole occupation, and they were created for nothing else.”

If these sexually skilled girls succeeded in becoming favorites of their masters, they could themselves have women servants. Some ingenious academic specialists have argued that by permitting slave girls to learn skills that increased their sexual attractiveness in the eyes of their masters and granting them relatively greater freedom in the public sphere, sexual slavery under Islam actually promoted women’s liberation. An article published in the New York Times has likened the sexual slaves’ conniving for power in the harem to the struggles of Western women in the corporate world.

Other efforts to downplay the phenomenon of massive slavery in the Islamic empires have been similar marvels of academic ingenuity. Thus, defending slavery in the Islamic Mamluk empire, a medieval studies scholar offers the official view among specialists: It is important to understand that medieval Islamic civilization had a different attitude towards slavery than that seen in western Europe. Slaves were much better treated and their status was quite honourable. Furthermore, the career opportunities [!] open to a skillful mamluk, and the higher standards of living available in the Islamic Middle East, meant that there was often little resistance to being taken as a mamluk among the peoples of Central Asia and south-eastern Europe. Many young Kipchaq Turkish women, slaves and free, also arrived in the wake of mamluk recruits, bringing with them some of Central Asia’s traditions of sexual equality.

One can certainly imagine the throngs of girls and boys in Greece, Serbia, and Central Asia clamoring to be taken away from their families to be circumcised, to become sexual slaves, or to be castrated to guard harems as eunuchs, or, in other cases, to be raised in barracks with the sole purpose of becoming fearless slave-soldiers. Or one can imagine among Egyptian youth the same interest in a “career” as a slave, which would have made it unnecessary for Mamluk rulers in Egypt to raid foreign lands to obtain replacement slaves or to buy them at the slave markets.

But aside from the basic human problem involved in all this, the professor overlooks that in fact, as Bernard Lewis and Daniel Pipes have pointed out, in Islam there existed two fundamental categories of people: slaves and nonslaves. That is why enslaving Muslims was soon discouraged in early Islam and eventually prohibited. Against this distinction (being enslaved or selling oneself into slavery was not honorable, and that is why it did not accord with being a Muslim), the rest are mere academic discussions about how the various Islamic empires (or the various Western empires and cultures) handled this “peculiar institution”: “more humanely” or “less humanely”; “with more sophistication” or “with less sophistication”; “with greater possibility of well being” or “with less possibility of well-being”; “with the possibility of having children who would become rulers”; “being a slave soldier, which had greater prestige,” etc. There was nothing “better” about slavery under medieval Islam: it was a system based on the looting of humans and their degradation in the slave markets.

Source: The Myth of the Andalusian Paradise - Muslims, Christians, and Jews under Islamic Rule in Medieval Spain by Darío Fernández-Morera

Here, in an article titled "How did Islam contribute to change the legal status of women?" another writer argues that Christian women being held as sex slaves by Muslims enhanced Islam's "tolerance".

Those who benefited from this power were only the relatives of the jawa ri [female slaves] or those whom they held in favor, but rather the entire ethnic or religious group to which the ja riya belonged. Khlid al-Qasri , the governor of Iraq had erected a church in K fa for the Christian community under the influence of his mother, who was a Christian herself. Khalid was generous in his nomination of Christian functionaries to officials positions for the sake of his mother. The phenomenon of tolerance toward the non-Muslim communities was probably affected by the religious tolerance within the palace of the caliphate itself. In the courtyard of the palace of al-Ma’m n, Christmas would be celebrated by the Christian jawa ri of the palace, with all the hallmarks of the religious ceremony, as the caliph himself looked on and joined in the merriment of the rejoicing jawa ri .

And slave owners forcing their female slaves to acquire various "accomplishments" in order to increase their value "contributed to the prevalence of education among women".

The slave traders believed it was worth while to train and educate female slaves so that the latter would attain better profit for them, since an educated slave woman was worth more than an uneducated woman. The market made a clear distinction between an educated slave woman and an uneducated one, who was known as s dhaj. The demand for educated a slave women was greater, particularly among clients from the ruling elite, who would take pains to find out how educated a slave woman was before purchasing her. 116 The basic subjects of erudition can be divided into three main areas: the Arabic language, the Qur’ n, and the study of poetry by rote. It should be pointed out that the study of poetry was crucial to those who wished to specialize in singing, and almost all qiy n demonstrated admirable expertise in this field. 118 But there were apparently also jaw r who specialized in specific fields such as the Qur’ n and qir ’ t (ways of reading the Qurn), or ad th and theology (fiqh). There were also those who were proficient at literary writing and written expression. Worthy of mention in this respect was the legendary female slave of al-Rash d, the caliph, whose name was Tawaddud and who was the hero of one of the Thousand and One Nights stories. This slave woman was purported to have outshone all of the outstanding scholars of the royal court in all areas of study and in fields connected to such academic areas as literature and the exact sciences. Ignoring the legendary element of the story, which is the same as in any such tale, the story of this slave woman reflects the thinking of the age and the common perception of the slave women in Muslim society.

The education of jaw r , which was intended primarily as a means of increasing the slave traders’ profits, contributed to the prevalence of education among women, a characteristic which in the Muslim world had formerly been monopolized by men. Toward the beginning of the fourth/tenth century, there were women who demanded the right to occupy positions which had heretofore been reserved for men.

Source

Perhaps a thousand years from now the Muslim grooming gangs who have enslaved and gang-raped thousands of British children will be praised as bold pioneers of intercultural understanding.
http://diversitymachtfrei.blogspot.p...ms-sexual.html

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Last edited by RickHolland; December 28th, 2016 at 01:34 PM.
 
Old December 28th, 2016 #2
Mike in Denver
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This is the second time someone has posted this book. It is propaganda shit. We haven an obligation to not stroke our vaginas with propaganda just to feel better and believe what we little babies want to feel. An old post of mine....

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The book is gibbering nonsense and propaganda. For what reason, I don't know, but I know this, it is complete crap.

I'm not a historian. Just an engineer (BA - Mathematics; BS - Physics; Graduate school in Mathematics and in Civil Engineering [no graduate degrees]) I also have an appreciation for architecture.

I lived in southern Spain from 1969 to 1971 and traveled throughout Spain. I've seen The Alcázar of Seville [royal palace.] It is magnificent, its baths were designed by a genius. I've seen the Mezquita (Spanish for "Mosque") of Cordoba. Its beauty is only marred by the Catholic Chapel stuffed like an out of place McDonalds food court in the middle. I've been to Granada and seen the Alhambra (The word magnificent doesn't come close.) Whoever built these had a practical and esthetic sense that puts the builders of the ornate, garish Medieval architecture to shame. And throughout Spain, pretty much the same.

As I said, not a historian, but having actually lived there I can guarantee the engineering and architecture.

Did the Moors copy or use Christian architecture and building materials? Absolutely no. The Christian cathedrals are ornate and lacking in any subtilty. The stone size and fit are completely different. The Moorish architecture is hypnotically subtle, and it is comfortable and pleasant in a way I've not encountered often, actually never.

Could the Moors have copied the older roman building styles and used Roman building materials. Not the styles for sure, and I doubt even the materials, at least not much. The Romans build large when it was necessary, but only as large as necessary. The only large Roman artifacts I saw in Spain were the aqueducts. Perhaps the Moors pulled a few stones out, but I doubt it.

To be sure I also have huge admiration for the Roman engineering and architecture. No frills, but built to last thousands of years and it does. Many of the roads and bridges throughout Spain are Roman with asphalt laid down over the cobblestone. Many of the aqueducts have miles of nearly perfect stretches. The house I rented in Spain had a Roman foundation. Many of the cobblestone streets were put down by Rome. But, it is highly unlikely that the Moors relied much on pulling stones out to build Moorish mosques or palaces.

The book referenced above is childish, emotional propaganda. It is crap.

Mike
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We have to grow up. Believe what is true, not what we want the truth to be, and certainly not what the jew wants us to believe. The book is jew propaganda. It's the jew covering all bases.

Mike
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Old December 28th, 2016 #3
RickHolland
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http://vnnforum.com/showthread.php?t...usian+Paradise

I sincerely didn't see anything too wild about the book and I agree with what I have seen so far.

Arab and Moorish presence in Iberian Peninsula and Islamic culture in general is way overrated and used as an anti-white justification for multiracialist indocrination in Spain and Portugal.

They will say things like arabs invented Astronomy or the numerals.
But if you dig it up the reality is they just translated and copied the knowledge of other peoples.

From wikipedia:

Quote:
Islamic astronomy comprises the astronomical developments made in the Islamic world, particularly during the Islamic Golden Age (9th–13th centuries),[1] and mostly written in the Arabic language. These developments mostly took place in the Middle East, Central Asia, Al-Andalus, and North Africa, and later in the Far East and India. It closely parallels the genesis of other Islamic sciences in its assimilation of foreign material and the amalgamation of the disparate elements of that material to create a science with Islamic characteristics. These included Greek, Sassanid, and Indian works in particular, which were translated and built upon.[2]

Following the Islamic conquests, under the early caliphate, Muslim scholars began to absorb Hellenistic and Indian astronomical knowledge via translations into Arabic (in some cases via Persian).

The first astronomical texts that were translated into Arabic were of Indian[13] and Persian origin.[14] The most notable of the texts was Zij al-Sindhind,[n 1] an 8th-century Indian astronomical work that was translated by Muhammad ibn Ibrahim al-Fazari and Yaqub ibn Tariq after 770 CE with the assistance of Indian astronomers who visited the court of caliph Al-Mansur in 770.[13] Another text translated was the Zij al-Shah, a collection of astronomical tables (based on Indian parameters) compiled in Sasanid Persia over two centuries. Fragments of texts during this period indicate that Arabs adopted the sine function (inherited from India) in place of the chords of arc used in Greek trigonometry.[11]
Quote:
The Hindu–Arabic numeral system[1] or Hindu numeral system,[2] a positional decimal numeral system, is the most common system for the symbolic representation of numbers in the world. It was invented between the 1st and 4th centuries by Indian mathematicians. The system was adopted by Persian mathematicians (Muḥammad ibn Mūsā al-Khwārizmī's c. 825 book On the Calculation with Hindu Numerals) and Arab mathematicians (Al-Kindi's c. 830 volumes On the Use of the Hindu Numerals) by the 9th century. It later spread to medieval Europe by the High Middle Ages.

The system is based upon ten (originally nine) different glyphs. The symbols (glyphs) used to represent the system are in principle independent of the system itself. The glyphs in actual use are descended from Brahmi numerals and have split into various typographical variants since the Middle Ages.

These symbol sets can be divided into three main families: Arabic numerals used in the Greater Maghreb and in Europe, Eastern Arabic numerals (also called "Indic numerals") used in the Middle East, and the Indian numerals used in the Indian subcontinent.

This numerical system is still used worldwide today.
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Last edited by RickHolland; December 28th, 2016 at 09:47 PM.
 
Old December 28th, 2016 #4
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A muslim review of the book.

Quote:
The author of this volume—a professor of Spanish and Portuguese studies at Northwestern—wrote it with provocative intent. But whether The Myth of the Andalusian Paradise will stimulate the academic and media debate he desires cannot be predicted. Darío Fernández-Morera's arguments are undermined by the stridency of some of them, the novelty of others, and, for close readers, his failure to resolve ambiguities in Spanish Islamic history. He promises not to "pass judgment on today's Muslims, Jews, or Christians, or on their religions," a pledge coming after his opening promise to "demystify Islamic Spain." And he "advises readers to be cautious and keep in mind the differences that exist between the medieval and the modern worlds of Islam, Judaism, and Christianity." But he fails to do so himself.

It is undeniable that, among bien-pensant commentators, it has become habitual to romanticize the lives of local Muslims, Jews, and Christians during the nearly 800 years from the invasion of the Iberian Peninsula by Muslim Berbers in 711 to the fall of the last Spanish Islamic state, in Granada in 1492. The social arrangements that existed then are usually described as convivencia, a term to which the author returns repeatedly and unfavorably.

Fernández-Morera is touchy about that, and about other items in the contemporary academic vocabulary. He has fashioned as a usage "Christian Greek Roman Empire" to refer to the Byzantine territories in the Middle East and North Africa that Muslim armies subdued before their conquest of Spain. Byzantine power was also influential in pre-Muslim Spain, but Fernández-Morera appears intent on exaggerating it. Spain was mainly part of the Western Roman Empire. The author has also committed his own form of retrospective idealization in his treatment of the Christian Visigoths, a Germanic tribe who ruled Spain (originally as vassals of Rome) before the arrival of the Muslims. He evokes Visigothic Spain as a brilliant civilization, although he admits that the Visigoths were less than admirable in their treatment of the Jews among them.

The narrative here describes both Islamic and Christian states in medieval Spain as highly stratified. In Islamic territory, Muslims were supreme and the two non-Muslim "protected" communities—Jews and Christians—were subordinated, except when the necessities of the Islamic rulers required some relief of that humiliation, usually in individual cases. Generally, Muslim rule was strict in administering relations between the dominant faith and minority believers. Jihad was a constant—as was, from the Christian side, the military effort to regain control of the land, known as the Reconquista. Slavery was a well-established institution in Muslim Spain, and many prominent Muslims were descendants of converts to Islam or slaves granted their freedom.

Medieval Spain was not a modern state. That should be obvious.

Fernández-Morera correctly criticizes Anglo-Saxon academics for their poor knowledge of Spanish sources. He is effective in describing beheadings, massacres, destruction of churches, and other atrocious acts committed by Muslim rulers. But even he stipulates that "Islamic Spain enjoyed no harmonious convivencia; rather, Muslims, Christians, and Jews had a precarious coexistence." He returns to this admission near the close by declaring, "In Islamic Spain there was no tolerant convivencia, but a precaria coexistencia." This seems a manipulation of words: convivencia and coexistence are not so different from one another as to be necessarily opposed.

Between these reworded appreciations of the complexity of Spanish Islam, Fernández-Morera commits himself to unexpected polemics, occasionally contradicting himself in condemnation. While he affirms that Muslims adopted Greek science, technology, and philosophy, he complains that they ignored Greek "sculpture, painting, drama, narrative, and lyric" (his italics) because of religious prohibitions. Yet he repeatedly discounts Muslim poetry as an erotic product of moral laxity. Aesthetic achievements, he says, do not reflect the life of the mass of people. But that was true no less of classical Greece and the Roman dominions than of Islamic Spain. And one would not imagine, from reading this work, that Spanish Muslim literature and philosophy were influential among Jews and Christians inside, and outside, the peninsula.

The author is casual in his discussion of unpleasant aspects of the history of Christendom, deriding "the ubiquitous Spanish Inquisition!" as a topic and referring to the "so-called Dark Ages." Throughout, he endeavors to discredit the 12th-century Spanish Muslim philosopher Ibn Rushd (known to the West as Averroës) mainly because he served as an Islamic law judge, which, Fernández-Morera alleges, is ignored by "some scholars today .  .  . who deal with him as the great and enlightened philosopher." As he treats Averroës, his tone becomes increasingly insulting.

Fernández-Morera arrives at a dangerous juncture when he takes up the position of Jews in Islamic Spain. As non-Muslims, Jews were subject to restrictions on their public life, but "It is true . . . that the Jewish community experienced better living conditions under Spain's Muslim conquerors than under the Catholic Visigoths. It is also true that, as a result, for some centuries Andalusian Jewry thrived, producing a brilliant cultural output." Nevertheless, "none of this meant that Islamic Spain represented a beacon of tolerance." Once again, a verbal artifice is at work.

The subject of Jews in medieval Spain leads Fernández-Morera to repeat accusations that, resenting their treatment by the Visigoths, the Jewish community supported the Islamic takeover of most of Spain and even guarded occupied cities for the Muslims. The Jews, he says, "continued to collaborate with the Muslim rulers," providing a counterweight to the majority of Christian subjects. But in pursuit of this curious allegation, Fernández-Morera, as he does with Averroës, does not hesitate to criticize the Islamic philosopher's contemporary, the great Andalusian rabbi Moses Maimonides, for his adherence to "exclusionary" laws similar to those imposed by Muslims and Christians. Religious restrictions on social interaction among Muslims, Jews, and Christians (in the view of Fernández-Morera) are definitive proof that convivencia is a myth. Thus, if medieval Spain, both Muslim and Christian, was lacking in modern tolerance, Fernández-Morera would seem to find equal blame among all who lived there.

When he turns to the conditions under which Christians lived, he reveals discomforting aspects of Visigothic rule. Unlike the Muslims, who taxed and employed Jews without seeking their conversion to Islam, the Visigoths intended "to make [the Jewish community] disappear." Visigothic laws against Jews included bans on performing circumcisions, practicing their dietary laws, or keeping books (such as the Talmud) considered inimical to Christianity. But here, too, the author insists that the removal of Visigothic anti-Jewish laws by Muslims "did not contribute to harmonious convivencia; the best that could be expected was some kind of grudging coexistence."

In choosing to handle a historical issue for which a scalpel would be the ideal imaginary tool, the author wields a metaphorical broadaxe, and his ire extends in many directions. Moreover, there are many missing pieces in this mosaic of Islamic Spain. But one question occurs: To defend the world today from the threat of radical Islam, do we need to dig up and scourge, in medieval style, the bones of Averroës?
http://www.islamicpluralism.org/2571...usian-paradise
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Old January 2nd, 2017 #5
White Brazilian Boy
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Weren't the Moors North African Caucasoid led by an Arab elite?

Why are they depicted as blacks? Afrocentism trash?
 
Old January 3rd, 2017 #6
RickHolland
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Quote:
Originally Posted by White Brazilian Boy View Post
Weren't the Moors North African Caucasoid led by an Arab elite?

Why are they depicted as blacks? Afrocentism trash?
Obviously the moors were a multiracial army composed by all the peoples converted to Islam but that doesn't mean they didn't had a caste system. Even today there is a caste system in every multiracial country.


Beji Caid Essebsi President of Tunisia.


Tunisian people.

The End of Tuareg Apartheid in the Sahel

https://culanth.org/fieldsights/328-...d-in-the-sahel

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tuareg_people


Whites from North African mediterranean coast (Romans, Vandals, Greeks ...are the dudes with brown, blond and red beards), Semite invaders from Arabia (dudes with black beards), Troglodytes from Sahara desert, darkskinned caucasoid Berbers that migrated from East Africa to North Africa (nowadays the majority of north africans), Sahel Tuaregs (non-bantu darkie on horse) and their bantu slaves (big lipped niggers on foot).
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Only force rules. Force is the first law - Adolf H. http://erectuswalksamongst.us/ http://tinyurl.com/cglnpdj Man has become great through struggle - Adolf H. http://tinyurl.com/mo92r4z Strength lies not in defense but in attack - Adolf H.

Last edited by RickHolland; January 3rd, 2017 at 11:01 AM.
 
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