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Old May 15th, 2014 #1
Alex Linder
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[this thread is for stuff longer than a few paragraphs; pages, up to chapters, but not full books. You are free to post in it.]
 
Old May 15th, 2014 #2
Alex Linder
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[from jew Murray Rothbard's The Case Against the Fed (1994), pp. 3-12]

The point of this excerpt is to prove that the Fed alone is responsible for inflation. Alone.

Introduction: Money and Politics

By far the most secret and least accountable operation of the federal government is not, as one might expect, the CIA, DIA, or some other super-secret intelligence agency. The CIA and other intelligence operations are under control of the Congress. They are accountable: a Congressional committee supervises these operations, controls their budgets, and is informed of their covert activities. It is true that the committee hearings and activities are closed to the public; but at least the people's representatives in Congress insure some accountability for these secret agencies.

It is little known, however, that there is a federal agency that tops the others in secrecy by a country mile. The Federal Reserve System is accountable to no one; it is subject to no audit; and no Congressional committee knows of, or can truly supervise, its operations. The Federal Reserve, virtually in total control of the nation's vital monetary system, is accountable to nobody -- and this strange situation, if acknowledged at all, is invariably trumpeted as a virtue.

Thus, when the first Democratic president in over a decade was inaugurated in 1993, the maverick and venerable Democratic Chairman of the House Banking Committee, Texan Henry B. Gonzalez, optimistically introduced some of his favorite projects for opening up the Fed to public scrutiny. His proposals seemed mild; he did not call for full-fledged Congressional control of the Fed's budget. The Gonzalez bill required full independent audits of the Fed's operations; videotaping the meetings of the Fed's policy-making committee; and releaseing detailed minutes of the policy meetings within a week, rather than the Fed being allowed, as it is now, to issue vague summaries of its decisions six weeks later. In addition, the presidents of the twelve regional Federal Reserve Banks would be chosen by the president of the United States rather than, as they are now, by the commercial banks of the respective regions.

It was to be expected that Fed Chairman Alan Greenspan would strongly resist any such proposals. After all, it is in the nature of bureaucrats to resist any encroachment on their unbridled power. Seemingly more surprising was the rejection of the Gonzalez plan by President Clinton, whose power, after all, would be enhanced by the measure. The Gonzalez reforms, the President declared, "run the risk of undermining market confidence in the Fed."

On the face of it, this presidential reaction, though traditional among chief executives, is rather puzzling. After all, doesn't a democracy depend upon the right of the people to know what is going on in the government for which they must vote? Wouldn't knowledge and full disclosure strengthen the faith of the American public in their monetary authorities? Why should public knowledge "undermine market confidence"? Why does "market confidence" depend on assuring far less public scrutiny than is accorded keepers of military secrets that might benefit foreign enemies? What is going on here?

The standard reply of the Fed and its partisans is that any such measures, however marginal, would encroach on the Fed's "independence from politics," which is invoked as a kind of self-evident absolute. The monetary system is highly important, it is claimed, and therefore the Fed must enjoy absolute independence.

"Independent of politics" has a nice, near ring to it, and has been a staple of proposals for bureaucratic intervention and power ever since the Progressive Era. Sweeping the streets; control of seaports; regulation of industry; providing social security; these and many other functions of goernment and held to be "too important" to be subject to the vagaries of political whims. But it is one thing to say that private, or market, activities should be free of government control, and "independent of politics" in that sense. But these are government agencies and operations we are talking about, and to say that government should be "independent of politics" conveys very different implications. For government, unlike private industry on the market, is not accountable either to stockholders or consumers. Government can only be accountable to the public and to its representatives in the legislature; and if government becomes "independent of politics" it can only mean that that sphere of government becomes an absolute self-perpetuating oligarchy, accountable to no one and never subject to the public's ability to change its personnel or to "throw the rascals out." If no person or group, whether stockholders or voters, can displace a ruling elite, then such an elite becomes more suitable for a dictatorship than for an allegedly democratic country. And yet it is curious how many self-proclaimed champions of "democracy," whether domestic or global, rush to defend the alleged ideal of the total independence of the Federal Reserve.

Representative Barney Frank (D., Mass.) a co-sponsor of the Gonzalez bill, points out that "if you take the principle that people are talking about nowadays," such as "reforming government and opening up government -- the Fed violates it more than any other branch of government." On what basis, then, should the vaunted "principle" of an independent Fed be maintained?

It is instructive to examine who the defenders of this alleged principle may be, and the tactics they are using. Presumably one political agency the Fed particularly wants to be independent from is the U.S. Treasury. And yet Frank Newman, President Clinton's Under Secretary of the Treasury for Domestic Finance, in rejecting the Gonzalez reform, states: "The Fed is independent and that's one of the underlying concepts." In addition, a revealing little point is made by the New York Times, in noting the Fed's reaction to the Gonzalez bill: "The Fed is already working behind the scenes to organize battalions of bankers to howl about efforts to politicize the central bank" (New York Times, October 12, 1993). True enough. But why should these "battalions of bankers" be so eager and willing to mobilize in behalf of the Fed's absolute control of the monetary and banking system? Why should bankers be so ready to defend a federal agency which controls and regulates them, and virtually determines the operations of the banking system? Shouldn't private banks want to have some sort of check, some curb, upon their lord and master? Why should a regulated and controlled industry be so much in love with the unchecked power of their own federal controller?

Let us consider any other private industry. Wouldn't it be just a tad suspicious if, say, the insurance industry demanded unchecked power for their state regulators, or the trucking industry total power for the ICC, or the drug companies were clamoring for total and secret power to the Food and Drug Administration? So shouldn't we be very suspicious of the oddly cozy relationship between the banks and the Federal Reserve? What's going on here? Our task in this volume is to open up the Fed to the scrutiny it is unfortunately not getting in the public arena.

Absolute power and lack of accountability by the Fed are generally defended on one ground alone: that any change would weaken the Federal Reserve's allegedly inflexible commitment to wage a seemingly permanent "fight against inflation." This is the Johnny-one-note of the Fed's defense of its unbridled power. The Gonzalez reforms, Fed officials warn, might be seen by financial markets as "weakening the Fed's ability to fight inflation" (New York Times, October 8, 1993). In subsequent Congressional testimony, Chairman Alan Greenspan elaborated this point. Politicians, and presumably the public, are eternally tempted to expand the money supply and thereby aggravate (price) inflation. Thus to Greenspan:

Quote:
The temptation is to step on the monetary accelerator or at least to avoid the monetary brake until after the next election. . . . Giving in to such temptations is likely to impart an inflationary bias to the economy and could lead to instability, recession, and economic stagnation.
The Fed's lack of accountability, Greenspan added, is a small price to pay to avoid "putting the conduct of monetary policy under the close influence of politicians subject to short-term election cycle pressure" (New York Times, October 14, 1993).

So there we have it. The public, in the mythology of the Fed and its supporters, is a great beast, continually subject to a lust for inflating the money supply and therefore for subjecting the economy to inflation and its dire consequences. Those dreaded all-too-frequent inconveniences called "elections" subject politicians to these temptations, especially in political institutions such as the House of Representatives who come before the public every two years and are therefore particularly responsive to the public will. The Federal Reserve, on the other hand, guided by monetary experts independent of the public's lust for inflation, stands ready at all times to promote the long-run public interest by manning the battlements in an eternal fight against the Gorgon of inflation. The public, in short, is in desperate need of absolute control of money by the Federal Reserve to save it from itself and its short-term lusts and temptations. One monetary economist, who spent much of the 1920s and 1930s setting up Central Banks throughout the Third World, was commonly referred to as "the money doctor." In our current therapeutic age, perhaps Greenspan and his confreres would like to be considered as monetary "therapists," kindly but stern taskmasters whom we invest with total power to save us from ourselves.

But in this administering of therapy, where do the private bankers fit in? Very neatly, according to Federal Reserve officials. The Gonzalez proposal to have the president instead of regional bankers appoint regional Fed presidents would, in the eyes of those officials, "make it harder for the Fed to clamp down on inflation." Why? Because, the "sure way" to "minimize inflation" is "to have private bankers appoint the regional bank presidents." And why is this private banker role such a "sure way"? Because, according to the Fed officials, private bankers "are among the world's fiercest inflation hawks" (New York Times, October 12, 1993).

The worldview of the Federal Reserve and its advocates is now complete. Not only are the public and politicians responsive to it eternally subject to the temptation to inflate; but it is important for the Fed to have a cozy partnership with private bankers. Private bankers, as "the world's fiercest inflation hawks," can only bolster the Fed's eternal devotion to battling against inflation.

There we have the ideology of the Fed as reflected in its own propaganda, as well as respected Establishment transmission belts such as the New York Times, and in pronouncements and textbooks by countless economists. Even those economists who would like to see more inflation accept and repeat the Fed's image of its own role. And yet every aspect of this ideology is the very reverse of the truth. We cannot think straight about money, banking, or the Federal Reserve until this fraudulent legend has been exposed and demolished.

There is, however, one and only one aspect of the common legend that is indeed correct: that the overwhelmingly dominant cause of the virus of chronic price inflation is inflation, or expansion, of the supply of money. Just as an increase in the production or supply of cotton will cause that crop to be cheaper on the market; so will the creation of more money make its unit of money, each franc or dollar, cheaper and worth less in purchasing power of goods on the market.

But let us consider this agreed-upon fact in the light of the above myth about the Federal Reserve. We supposedly have the public clamoring for inflation while the Federal Reserve, flanked by its allies the nation's bankers, resolutely sets its face against this short-sighted public clamor. But how is the public supposed to go about achieving this inflation? How can the public create, i.e., "print," more money? It would be difficult to do so, since only one institution in the society is legally allowed to print money. Anyone who tries to print money is engaged in the high crime of "counterfeiting," which the federal government takes very seriously indeed. Whereas the government may take a benign view of all other torts and crimes, including mugging, robbery, and murder, and it may worry about the "deprived youth" of the criminal and treat him tenderly, there is one group of criminals whom no government ever coddles: the counterfeiters. The counterfeiter is hunted down seriously and efficiently, and he is salted away for a very long time; for he is committing a crime that the government takes very seriously: he is interfering with the government's revenue: specifically, the monopoly power to print money enjoyed by the Federal Reserve.

"Money," in our economy, is pieces of paper issued by the Federal Reserve, on which are engraved the following: "This Note is Legal Tender for all Debts, Private, and Public." This "Federal Reserve Note," and nothing else is money, and all vendors and creditors must accept these notes, like it or not.

So: if the chronic inflation undergone by Americans, and in almost every other country, is caused by the continuing creation of new money, and if in each country its government "Central Bank" (in the United States, the Federal Reserve) is the sole monopoly source and creator of all money, who then is reponsible for the blight of inflation? Who except the very institution that is solely empowered to create money, that is, the Fed (and the Bank of England, and the Bank of Italy, and other central banks) itself?

In short: even before examining the problem in detail, we should already get a glimmer of the truth: that the drumfire of propaganda that the Fed is manning the ramparts against the menace of inflation brought about by others is nothing less than a deceptive shell game. The culprit solely responsible for inflation, the Federal Reserve, is continually engaged in raising a hue-and-cry about "inflation," for which virtually everyone else in society seems to be responsible. What we are seeing is the old ploy by the robber who starts shouting "Stop, thief!" and runs down the street pointing ahead at others. We begin to see why it has always been important for the Fed, and for other Central Banks, to invest themselves with an aura of solemnity and mystery. For, as we shall see more fully, if the public knew what was going on, if it was able to rip open the curtain covering the inscrutable Wizard of Oz, it would soon discover that the Fed, far from being the indispensable solution to the problem of inflation, is itself the heart and cause of the problem. What we need is not a totally independent, all-powerful Fed; what we need is no Fed at all.

Key here: Fed ALONE is responsible for inflation. That is true of all central banks everywhere in the world. Central banks are entirely, 100% responsible for inflation. Central banking is inherently a bad thing. The white way to go is to get rid of the central bank and allow currency competition.

Last edited by Alex Linder; May 15th, 2014 at 09:36 AM.
 
Old May 15th, 2014 #3
Alex Linder
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Notice these exceptionally strong points:

Jew Rothbard: The Fed alone is responsible for inflation.

MacDonald: Jews alone are responsible for opening America's borders via 1965 act.

Hold to these facts like a pit bull - and use them.
 
Old May 15th, 2014 #4
Alex Linder
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[importance: here is the opposing and traditional view of the woman (and the man), in contrast to the judeo-modern lie that women are just men with tits who've been unfairly discriminated against historically by men without tits. sex is not just a superificial anatomical difference, it is wholegoing through atom and atmosphere, psychological, physical - existential]

[chapter 20, "Man and Woman," from Revolt Against the Modern World (1969), by Julius Evola, pp. 157-166]

To complete these considerations on traditional life, I will now briefly discuss the sexual dimension.

In this context too we find that in the traditional worldview, realities corresponded to symbols and actions to rites; what derives from these correspondences are the principles for understanding the sexes and for regulating the relationships that are necessarily established between men and women in every normal civilization.

In traditional symbolism, the supernatural principle was conceived as "masculine" and the principle of nature and of becoming as "feminine." In Hellenic terms the "one", which is "in itself," complete, and self-sufficient, is regarded as masculine. Conversely, the dyad, the principle of differentiation and of "other than self," and thus the principle of desire and of movement, is regarded as feminine. In Hindu terms, (according to the Samkhya darsana), the impassible spirit (purusa) is masculine, while prakrti, the active matrix of every conditioned form, is feminine. The Far Eastern tradition has expressed equivalent concepts through the cosmic duality of yin and yang, whereby yang, the male principle, is associated with the "virtue of heaven" and yin, the feminine principle, with the principle of the "earth."[1]

Considered in and of themselves, the two principles are in opposition to each other. But in the order of the creative formation that I have repeatedly identified as the soul of the traditional world, and that was destined to develop historically in relation to the conflict between various races and civilizations, they are transformed into elements of a synthesis in which both retain a distinctive function. This is not the place to show that behind the various representations of the myth of the "fall" we often find the idea of the male principle's identification with and loss in the feminine principle until the former has acquired the latter's way of being. In any event, when

[1] Further metaphysical and mythical references are found in J. Evola, Eros and Mysteries of Love: among the philosophers of the Sung dynasty we find the teaching that Heaven "produces" men while the Earth "produces" women; therefore woman must be subjected to man as the Earth is subjected to Heaven

this happens, when that which is naturally a self-subsistent principle succumbs to the law of that which does not have its own principle in itself by givign in to the forces of "desire," then it is appropriate to talk about a "fall." On the plane of human reality, the diffidence that various traditions have nurtured toward women is based precisely on this belief; the woman is often considered as a principle of "sin," impurity, and evil, as well as a temptation and a danger for those who are in search of the supernatural.

Nevertheless, it is possible to consider another possibility that runs counter to the direction of the "fall," and that is to establish the correct relationship between the two principles. This occurs when the feminine principle, whose force is centrifugal, does not turn to fleeting objects but rather to a "virile" stability in which she finds a limit to her "restlessness." Stability is then transmitted to the feminine principle to the point of intimately transfiguring all of its possibilities. What occurs in these terms is a synthesis in a positive sense. What is needed therefore is a radical "conversion" of the feminine principle to the opposite principle; moreover, it is absolutely necessary for the masculine priciple to remain wholly itself. Then, according to metaphysical symbols, the female becomes the "bride" and also the "power" or instrumental generating force that receives the primordial principle of the immobile male's activity and form: as in the doctrine of Sakti, which can also be found in Aristotelianism and in Neoplatonism, though expressed in different terms. I have mentioned the Tantric-Tibetan representations that are very significant in this regard, in which the male "bearer-of-the-scepter" is immobile, cold, and substantiated with light while the substance of Sakti, which envelops it and uses it as its axis, is a flickering flame.[2]

These meanings constitute the foundation of the traditional teachings concerning the human sexes. This norm obeys the principle of the caste system and it also emphasizes the two cardinal tenets of dharma and of bhakti, or fides: self-subsistent nature and active dedication.

If birth is not a matter of chance, then it is not a coincidence for a being to "awaken" to itself in the body of a man or a woman. Here too, the physical difference should be viewed as the equivalent of a spiritual difference; hence a being is a man or a woman in a physical way only because a being is either masculine or feminine in a transcendental way; sexual differentiation, far from being an irrelevant factor in relation to the spirit, is the sign that points to a particular vocation and to a distinctive dharma.

[2] In the erotic symbolism of these traditions the same meaning is expressed through the figuration of the divine couple as they engage in the so-called viparita-maithuna, an intercourse in which the male is still while the sakti moves her body.

We know that every traditional civilization is based on the will to order and give "form," and that the traditional law is not oriented toward what is unqualified, equal, and indefinite, or in other words, toward that impersonal mix in which the various parts of the whole become promiscuously or atomically similar, but rather intends these parts to be themselves and to express as perfectly as possible their own typical nature. Therefore, particularly with regard to the genders, man and woman are two different types; those who are born as men must realize themselves as men, while those who are born as women must realize themselves as women, overcomign any mixture and promiscuity of vocations. Even in regard to the supernatural vocation, man and woman must both have their own distinctive paths to follow, which cannot be altered without them turning into contradictory and inorganic ways of being.

I have already considered the way of being that corresponds eminently to man; I have also discussed the two main paths of approach to the value of "being a principle to oneself," namely, action and contemplation. Thus, the warrior (the hero) and the ascetic represent the two fundamental types of pure virility. In symmetry with these types, there are also two types available to the feminine nature. A woman realizes herself as such and even rises to the same level reached by a man as warrior and ascetic only as lover and mother. These are bipartitions of the same ideal strain; just as there is an active heroism, there is also a passive heroism; there is a heroism of absolute affirmation and a heroism of absolute dedication. They can both be luminous and produce plenty of fruits, as far as overcoming human limitations and achieving liberation are concerned, when they are lived iwth purity and in the sense of an offering. This differentiation of the heroic strain determines the distinctive character of the paths of fulfillment available to men and women. In the case of women the actions of the warrior and of the ascetic who affirm themselves in a life that is beyond life, the former through pure action and the latter through pure detachment, correspond to the act of the woman totally giving of herself and beign entirely for another being, whether he is the loved one (the type of the lover -- the Aphrodistic woman) or the son (the type of the mother -- the Demetrian woman), finding in this dedication the meaning of her own life, her own joy, and her own justification. This is what bhakti or fides, which constitute the normal and natural way of participation of the traditional woman, really mean, both in the order of "form" and even beyond "form" when it is lived in a radical and impersonal way. To realize oneself in an increasingly resolute way according to these two distinct and unmistakable directions; to reduce in a woman all that is masculine and in man everything that is feminine; and to strive to implement the archetypes of the "absolute man" and of the "absolute woman" -- this was the traditional law concerning the sexes according to their different planes of existence.

Therefore a woman could traditionally participate in the sacred hierarchical order only in a mediated fashion, through her relationship with a man. In India women did not have their own initiation even when they belonged to a higher caste: before they got married they did not belong to the sacred community of the noble ones (arya) other than through their fathers, and when they were married, through their husbands, who also represented the mystical head of the family.[3] In Doric Hellas, the woman in her entire life did not enjoy any rights; before getting married, her [greek word] was her father. In Rome, in conformity with a similar spirituality, a woman, far from being "equal" to man, was juridically regarded as a daughter of her own husband (filiae loco) and as a sister of her own children (sororis loco); when she was a young girl, she was under the potestas of her father, who was the leader and the priest of his own gens; when she married, according to a rather blunt expression she was in manu viri. These traditional decrees regulating a woman's dependency can also be found in other civilizations;[4] far from being unjust and arrogant, as the modern "free spirits" are quick to decry, they helped to define the limits and the natural place of the only spiritual path proper to the pure feminine nature.

I will mention here some ancient views that expressly describe the pure type of the traditional woman, who is capable of an offering that is half human and half divine. In the Aztec-Nahua tradition the same privilege of heavenly immortality proper to the warrior aristocracy was partaken of by the mothers who died while giving birth, sinc ethe Aztecs considered this sacrifice on the same level as the one made by those who die on the battlefield. Another example is the type of the traditional Hindu woman, a woman who in the deepest recesseses of her soul was capable of the most extreme forms of sensuality and yet who lived by an invisible and votive fides. By virtue of this fides, that offering that was manifested in the erotic dedication of her body, person, and will culminated in another type of offering -- of a different kind and way beyond the world of the senses. Because of this fides the bride would leap into the funerary pyre in order to follow the man whom she had married into the

[3] "Apart from their husbands women cannot sacrifice or undertake a vow or fast; it is because a wife obeys her husband that she is exalted in heaven." The Laws of Manu 5.155. It is not possible in this context to discuss the meaning of female priesthood and to explain why it does not contradict the abovementioned example. Female priesthood traditionally had a lunar character, rather than representing another path available to women, it expressed an affirmation of feminine dharma as an absolute elimination of any personal principle so as to make room for the voice of the oracle and of the god. Further on I will discuss the alteration proper of decadent civilizations in which the lunar, feminine element usurps the hierarchical peak. We must also consider the sacral and initiatory use of women in the "path of sex."

[4] In an ancient Chinese text, the Niu-kie-tsi-pien (5) we read: "When a woman leaves the house of her father to join the house of her husband, she loses everything, including her name. She does not own anything in her own right; whatever she has an whatever she is belongs to her husband." And in the Niu-hien-shu it is said that a woman must be in the house "as a shadow and as a mere echo." Quoted in S. Trovatelli, Le civilita e le legislazioni dell'antico Oriente (Bologna, 1890), 157-58.

next life. This traditional sacrifice, which was regarded as a sheer "barbarism" by Europeans and by Westernized Hindus and in which the widow was burnt alive with the body of the dead husband, is called sati in Sanskrit, from the root as and the prefix sat (being), from which the word satya (the truth) comes; sati also signifies "gift," "faithfulness," "love."[5] Therefore this sacrifice was considered as the supreme culmination of the relationship between two beings of a different sex and as the sign of an absolute type of relationship, from the point of view of truth and superhumanity. In this context man provides the role of the support for a liberating bhakti, and love becomes a door and a pathway. According to the traditional teaching the woman who followed her husband in death attained "heaven"; she was transformed into the same substance as her deceased husband[6] since she partook of that transfiguration (which occurred through the incineration of the material body) into a divine body of light, symbolized among Aryan civilizations by the ritual burning of the cadaver.[7] We find an analogous renunciation of life on the part of Germanic women if their husbands or lovers died in battle.

I have previously suggested that, generally speaking, the essence of bhakti consists of indifference toward the object or the means of an action, that is, in pure action and in a selfless attitude. This helps us understand how the ritual sacrifice of a widow (sati) could have been institutionalized in a traditional civilization such as the Hindu. Whenever a woman gives herself and even sacrifices herself only because of a stronger and reciprocated bond of human passion toward another being, her actions are still on the level of ordinary events; only when her dedication can support and develop itself without any other external motivation whatsoever, does she truly participate in a transcendent dimension.

In Islam the institution of the harem was inspired by these motivations. In Christian Europe it would take the idea of God for a woman to renounce her public life and to withdraw to a cloistered life; and even in this case, this was the choice of only a very few. In Islam a man sufficed to provide such motivation and the cloistered life of the harem was considered as a natural thing that no wellborn woman would ever criticize or intend to avoid; it seemed natural for a woman to concentrate all her life on one man only, who was loved in such a vast and unselfish way as to allow

[5] Analogous customs are also found among other Indo-European stocks: among the Thracians, the Greeks, the Scythians, and Slavs. In the Inca civilization the suicide of widows, though it was not decreed by a law, was nevertheless common practice; those women who had not the courage to commit suicide or believed they had good reasons not to commit it, were despised by their community.

[6] "The woman who is not unfaithful to her husband but restrains her mind and heart, speech, and body reaches her husband's worlds after death, and good people call her a virtuous woman." The Laws of Manu 9.29.

[7] "In this fire the gods offer a person. From this oblation, the man arises having the color of light." Brhad-aranyaka Upanisad 4.2.14. See also Proclus, In Timeum, 5.331b; 2.65b.

other women to share in the same feeling and to be united to him through the same bond and the same dedication. What surfaces in all this is the character of "purity," which is considered to be essential in this path. A love that sets conditions and requires the reciprocated love and the dedication of a man was reputed to be of an inferior kind. On the other hand, a real man could not know love in this way other than by becoming feminine, thus losing that inner self-sufficiency thanks to which a woman finds in him a support and something that motivates and excites her desire to totally give herself to him. According to the myth Siva, who was conceived as the great ascetic of the mountain peaks, turned Kama (the god of love) into ashes with a single glance when the latter tried to awaken in him passion for his bride, Parvati. Likewise, there is a profound meaning in the legend about the Kalki-avatara, which talks about a woman who could not be possessed by anybody because the men who desired her and fell in love with her turned into women as the result of their passion.
As far as the woman is concerned, there is true greatness in her when she is capable of giving without asking for anything in return; when she is like a flame feeding itself; when she loves even more as the object of her love does not commit himself, does not open himself up, and even creates some distance; and finally, when the man is not perceived by her as a mere husband or lover, but as her lord. The spirit animating the harem consisted in the struggle to overcome jealousy and thus the passionate selfishness and the woman's natural inclination to possess the man. A woman was asked to commit herself to the harem from her adolescence to her old age and to be faithful to a man who could enjoy other women beside herself and possess them all wtihout "giving" himself to any one in particular. In this "inhuman" trait there was something ascetical and even sacred.[8] In this apparent reification of woman, she experienced a true possession, an overcoming, and even a liberation because vis-a-vis such an unconditional fides, a man, in his human appearance, was just a means to higher ends; thus she discovered new possibilities to achieve higher goals. Just as the rule of the harem imitated the rule of the convents, likewise the Islamic law regulating a woman's life (according to the possibilities of her own nature, without excluding, but on the contrary, including and even exasperating the life of the senses) elevated her to the same plane of monastic asceticism.[9] To a lesser

[8] In The Laws of Manu it is written: "A girl, a young woman or even an old woman should not do anything independently, even in her own house. In childhood a woman should be under her father's control, in youth under her husband's, and when her husband is dead, under her sons'" (5.147-48). And also: "A virtuous wife should constantly serve her husband like a god, even if he behaves badly, freely indulges his lust, and is devoid of any good qualities" (5.154).

[9] The sacral offering of the body and virginity itself has been sanctioned in a rigorous form in what amounts to yet another cause of scandal for our contemporaries, namely, in sacred prostitution, which was practiced in ancient Syrian, Lician, Lidian, and Theban temples. The woman was not supposed to offer her virginity out of a passional motive toward a given man; she was supposed to giver herself to the first man who tossed her a sacred coin within the sacred enclosure, as if it were a sacred offering to the goddess of the temple. A woman was supposed to get married only after this ritual offering of her body. Herodotus (The Histories, 1.199) noted that: "The woman goes with the first man who throws her a coin, and rejects no one. When she has gone with him, and so satisfied the goddess, she returns home, and from that time forth no gift however great will prevail with her."

degree, an analogous attitude in a woman should be considered the natural presupposition in those civilizations, such as Greece and Rome, in which the institution of concubinage enjoyed a sort of regular character and was legally acknowledged as a way to complement the monogamic marriage and in which sexual exclusivism was overcome.

It goes without saying that I am not referring here to the harem or analogous institutions in mere materialistic terms. I have in mind what the harem meant to the pure traditional idea, and the superior possibility inspiring these institutions. It is the task of Tradition to create solid riverbeds, so that the chaotic currents of life may flow in the right direction. Free are those people who, upon undertaking this traditional direction, do not experience it as a burden but rather develop it naturally and recognize themselvse in it so as to actualize through an inner elan the highest and most "traditional" possibility of their own nature. The others, those who blindly follow the institutions and obey and live them without understanding them are not what we may call "self-supported" beings: although devoid of light, their obedience virtually leads them beyond their limitations as individuals and orients them in the same direction followed by those who are free. But for those who follow neither the spirit nor the form of the traditional riverbed, there is nothing but chaos; they are the lost, the "fallen" ones.

This is the case of our contemporaries as far as the woman is concerned. And yet it was not possible that a world that has "overcome" (to employ a Jacobin term) the caste system by returning to every human being his or her own "dignity" and "rights" could preserve some sense of the correct relationship between the two sexes. The emancipation of women was destined to follow that of the slaves and the glorification of people without a caste and without traditions, namely, the pariah. In a society that no longer understands the figure of the ascetic and of the warrior, in which the hands of the latest aristocrats seem better fit to hold tennis rackets or shakers for cocktail mixes than swords or scepters; in which the archetype of the virile man is represented by a boxer or by a movie star if not by the dull wimp represented by the intellectual, the college professor, the narcissistic puppet of the artist, or the busy and dirty money-making banker and the politician -- in such a society it was only a matter of time before women rose up and claimed for themselves a "personality" and a "freedom" according to the anarchist and individualist meaning usually associated with these words. And while traditional ethics asked men and women to be themselves to the utmost of their capabilities and express with radical traits their own gender-related characteristics -- the new "civilization" aims at leveling everything since it is oriented to the formless and to a stage that is truly not beyond but on this side of the individuation and differentiation of the sexes.

What truly amounts to an abdication was thus claimed as a "step forward." After centuries of "slavery" women wanted to be themselves and to do whatever they pleased. But so-called feminism has not been able to devise a personality for women other than by imitating the male personality, so that the woman's "claims" conceal a fundamental lack of trust in herself as well as her inability to be and to function as a real woman and not as a man. Due to such a misunderstanding, the modern woman has considered her traditional role to be demeaning and has taken offense at being treated "only as a woman." This was the beginning of a wrong vocation; because of this she wanted to take her revenge, reclaim her "dignity," prove her "true value" and compete with men in a man's world. But the man she set out to defeat is not at all a real man, only the puppet of a standardized, rationalized society that no longer knows anything that is truly differentiated and qualitative. In such a civilization there obviously cannot be any room for legitimate privileges and thus women who are unable and unwilling to recognize their natural traditional vocation and to defend it (even on the lowest possible plane, since no woman who is sexually fulfilled ever feels the need to imitate and to envy man) could easily demonstrate that they too virtually possess the same faculties and talents -- both material and intellectual -- that are found in the other sex and that, generally speakign, are required and cherished in a society of the modern type. Man for his part has irresponsibly let this happen and has even helped and "pushed" women into the streets, offices, schools, and factories, into all the "polluted" crossroads of modern culture and society. Thus the last leveling push has been imparted.

And wherever the spiritual emasculation of materialistic modern man did not tacitly restore the primacy (typically found in ancient gynaecocratic communities) of the woman as hetaera, ruling over men enslaved by their sense and at her service, the results have been the degeneration of the feminine type even in her somatic characteristics, the atrophy of her natural possibilities, the suppression of her unique inner life. Hence the types of the woman-garconne and the shallow and vain woman, incapable of any elan beyond herself, utterly inadequate as far as sensuality and sinfulness are concerned because to the modern woman the possibilities of physical love are often not as interesting as the narcissistic cult of her body, or as being seen with as many or as few clothes as possible, or as engaging in physical training, dancing, practicing sports, pursuing wealth, and so on. As it is, Europe new very little about the purity of the offering and about the faithfulness of the one who gives her all without asking anything in return; or about a love strong enough so as not to be exclusivist. Besides a purely conformist and bourgeois faithfulness, the love Europe has celebrated is the love that does not tolerate the other person's lack of commitment. Now when a woman, before consecrating herself to a man, pretends that he belongs to her body and soul, not only has she already "humanized" and impoverished her offspring, but worse yet, she has begun to betray the pure essence of femininity in order to borrow characteristics typical of the male nature -- and possibly the lowest of these: the yearning to possess and lay claims over another person, and the pride of the ego. After that, everything else came tumbling down in a rush, following the law of acceleration. Eventually, because of the woman's increased egocentrism, men will no longer be of interest to her, she will only care about what they will be able to offer to satisfy her pleasure or her vanity. In the end she will even incur forms of corruption that usually accompany superficiality, namely, a practical and superficial lifestyle of a masculine type that has perverted her nature and thrown her into the same male pit of work, profits, frantic activity, and politics.

The same holds true for the results of the Western "emancipation" of women, which is on its way to infecting the rest of the world faster than a plague. Traditional woman or the absolute woman, in giving herself, in her living for another, in wanting to be only for another being with simplicity and purity fulfilled herself, belonged to herself, displayed her own heroism, and even became superior to ordinary men. Modern woman in wanting to be for herself has destroyed herself. The "personality" she so much yearned for is killing all semblance of female personality in her.

It is easy to foresee what will become of the relationship of the sexes, even from a material point of view. Here too, like in magnetism, the higher and stronger the creative spark, the more radical the polarity; the more a man is a man, the more a woman is a woman. What could possibly go on between these mixed beings lacking all contact with the forces of their deepest nature? between these beings who, in the deepest recesses of their souls, are neither men nor women, or who are masculine women or feminine men, and who claim to have reached full sexual emancipation while truly having only regressed? All relationships are destined to have an ambiguous and crumbling character: the comradely promiscuities and morbid "intellectual" sympathies such as are commonplace in the new communist realism. In other words, modern woman will be affected by neurotic complexes and all the other complexes upon which Freud constructed a "science" that is truly a sign of our times. The possibilities of thew world of the "emancipated" woman are not dissimilar: the avant-gardes of this world (North America and Russia) are already present, and give interesting and very meaningful testimonies to this fact.[10]

All this cannot but have repercussions on an order of things that goes way beyond what our contemporaries, because of their recklessness, will ever suspect.

[10] According to some statistics gathered in the 1950s (C. Freed and W. Kroger), an estimated 75 percent of North-American women are "sexually anesthetized," while their "libido" has allegedly shifted in the direction of exhibitionistic narcissism. In Anglo-Saxon women, the neurotic and typically feminine sexual inhibition was typical of their culture and was due to their being victims of a false ideal of "dignity" in additiona to the prejudices of puritan moralism. The reaction of the so-called sexual revolution has only led the masses to a regimen of quick, easy, and cheap sex treated as an item of consumption.

END

Last edited by Alex Linder; May 15th, 2014 at 01:56 PM.
 
Old June 9th, 2014 #5
Alex Linder
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Mapping Ultra-Right Extremism, Xenophobia and Racism within the Greek State Apparatus (2012), report from the Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung.

Golden Dawn leaders were arrested after this 100-page report sponsored by a German-jew-communist-named association came out. Notice the "mapping." Given technology, leftists can now witch-hunt at the ultimate level of granularity: right down to the individual witch. Can identify his name and location, for easiest capture and burning. The five analysts inspect the church, police, judiciary and military for guilt of loyalty to Greece rather than the anti-white New World Order proper elites are supposed to be a-borning. There's also an overview of Greek history. You can read the report in full online free here:

http://rosalux-europa.info/userfiles...ing_A4_WEB.pdf


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The decentralized administrative model of the Greek Orthodox Church (at least compared to the Roman Catholic church) enables individualChurch officials not only to say practically whatever they like, but also to form coalitions with ultra-right political strategies, either because they feel this is a good way to consolidate their presence and power among the clergy, or simply because they really think this is the right thing to do. The result is that some Greek priests have successfully claimed a vital space within political discourse from which they do not underplay but consciously uphold an ultra-right political orientation. In this sense, the speech of the Church is very easy to penetrate, because it does not bother to hide. On the other hand, a very different situation evidently obtains with the police, and even more so with the military and the judiciary.
You think I'm kidding or exaggerating when I talk about witch-hunting? The mentality expressed in the supposedly objective, analytical writing above is in fact exactly that. The left passes laws and levies social pressure against reasonable views, and then, when people retain those views internally while clamming up publicly, redoubles its efforts to root them out because their fear and hiding show they know what they are. The paranoid, hateful mindset of leftism is thus reinforcing.

As with any report from leftists, assumptions on which the analysis is based won't be questioned but assumed. It is assumed you are a nazi if you want normal things like borders for your country, or queers in the closet. That has to be understood. This is no neutral analysis.

Leftists are minority -- small-minority -- partisans who keep up the bluff that they alone represent every high quality of mentation. They are the normal, and anyone opposed has emotional problem (hater is the term they invariably use) representing a political danger (extremist is the term they invariably use). Leftism is the politics of chutzpah, essentially. Brazen lying without cease is the m.o.

Control of the media and the other official vectors is the strategy.


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Let us not forget that in the last century Greece has seen more constitutional aberrations than any other supposedly comparable European country. This is a country where the appeal to “danger” has always functioned as a pretext for the abrogation of constitutions and guarantees on liberties, with Greek security forces and the military in the vanguard of such abolitions.

The impunity granted to Nazi violence, whether as a product of tolerance due to affiliation or of distance due to fear, is truly without precedent in the European context
Yet this violence is never documented. The left, which includes the entire global media, with complete uniformity in point of view, is reduced to seizing on a crime here and there, say a beating, that might have been done by Golden Dawn. If this violence they talk about were as widespread as they say, they would have much better examples to draw from. Then flip it around: this same media ignore crimes
committed by the illegal aliens who are already more than 10% of the population, and already being used by the left as they are in all the other white countries by the ruling jews: to elect a new people. The jews in conjunction with local sellouts, local traitors, conspire to destroy the Greek or Australian or US nation by browning the white population out of existence. That is what is actually going on. Complaining about any political force that rises to resist this is necessary to the project. Any white normals who come together to protect (Greece) will be called Nazis by the jew-led global leftists trying to destroy the nation, in order to make use of a stereotype they've invested decades in promoting, and to scare normal citizens away from seeing where their true interests lie.


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Let the following pages be read not just as evidence for mapping the ultra-right within the Greek State, but primarily as evidence of the pressing need to develop a different strategy for resetting the country.
Leftists see people as livestock to be managed. Non-leftist solutions or conceptions are off the table as 'hate.' The left is instinctively totalitarian. It disguises this by harping on about 'democracy.' The part of the small-minority has no incentive to operate cleanly, as it will lose. It must disguise its nature and intent in order to get over on the people. Thus all its political terms are simple reverses. Starting with liberalism. Liberals are illiberal. Those preaching tolerance are the most intolerant out there. Those preaching sensitivity display none themselves. It is like this with every term leftists coin or use and popularize. Most important to realize: it must be this way. Or the left has no chance. A small-minority position such as leftism represents cannot win open, honest contests. It can only win through deception and allied dark practices.

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The political dynamic behind the ultra-right today very clearly combines certain historical features with more general developments in the country’s recent European history.

The three dictatorships, two civil wars and six interstate wars that marked the country’s political and constitutional life during the “short 20th century” were also manifestations of the social and political divisions that shook the entire European continent and took on frenzied form especially in those nation-states founded in the geographical space dominated less than a century earlier by the German, Austro-Hungarian, Russian and Ottoman Empires.
- Metaxis dictatorship in 1936

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The second period of the occupation (1943-1944) was characterized by the development of the third and most massive fascist current in Greek history, formed largely by the occupation-organized Security Battalions (about 30,000 to 40,000 armed men in southern Greece and 10,000 to 20,000 in northern Greece) and the various local anti-communist organizations that after the war became an indispensable part of the dominant power bloc – the bloc of “national-mindedness”. During that crucial turn, different royalist and anti-royalist milieus started to converge in the defence of the country’s so-called “social regime”.
- immigration was made illegal in 1991, but invasion was massive. Cops were left to deal with it. No other department did.

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When immigration is illegal, immigrant populations are exposed to organized crime, which comes to substitute for the absent State. Technological restructuring, new equipment, the creation of new special task forces and the like unfortunately could not prevent a spectacular rise in crime during those years. The changes in some types of crime compared to the 1980s are astonishing. This increase in criminal activity, which is at the same time a typical and sometimes misleading leitmotif in various interpretations of the Greek 1990s, is not unrelated to immigration, precisely because the way of (non) reception of immigrants throughout the 1990s permits organized crime to act in an open field.

Since the 1990s, there has been an increase in crimes against property, a consolidation of the leisure industry, prostitution, human trafficking and, of course,
drug trafficking. These years also mark a rearrangement of the traditional Greek underworld, which naturally caused trouble in the affiliations traditionally entertained between these circles and the security forces. The change brought to the human geography of crime in Greece, through the emergence of foreign circuits and links in the chain of organized crime, disorders whatever equilibrium there had been in the internal market between the underworld and the police. In this way, dominant racist views of a possible connection of immigration and criminal behaviour that had been (and still are) inherent in major parts of Greek society are even more accentuated within the Hellenic Police, because these were the people who immediately and personally faced the problem in its most acute form.
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Undoubtedly, the basic elements of ultra-right ideology (racism, sexism, nationalism) are widespread within the Hellenic Police.
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In a historical juncture when all Greek workers, including police officers, must live through devaluation, austerity and various dead-ends (while non-workers experience total frustration), the security forces stand inherently and systematically
against them whenever social protest reaches a certain point of tension. At these borderline moments, the only political party that pets the security forces is Golden Dawn. This delivers the pay-off in the traditional elective affinity between the hard core of “indignant citizens” and parts of the security forces who see a credible ally in these strata. The transition of Golden Dawn to the political and electoral mainstream releases and legitimizes the dynamic expressed in the 2012 elections, thereby making the neo-Nazi party the most genuine expression of police indignation towards society and the State.

Law 2622/1998 instituted police services for the protection of the borders. The sole
duties of these new services were supposed to be to prevent foreign nationals from illegally entering Greece, to track them down, arrest them, or refoul them. The Border Guardsare mainly concerned with illegal immigration. Unlike graduates of the Police Officers Academy and the Police Constables Academy, they are graduates of secondary education and are recruited through a mixed system of employment credits, interviews and other requirements (physical ability, psychometric tests, etc.). They are employed for a five-year service. Under Law 2734/1999, passed one year later, the Ministry of Public Order instituted regular positions for Special Guards, with the task of protecting stationary targets. This group is recruited through a system of objective evaluation and employment credits (Article 3, para. 5). Many special guards are former members of the Army Special Forces, as service there boosts their evaluation.

Finally published in April 2013, the Muižnieks Report32 is an unprecedented blow for
Greece, bringing the issue of racist violence and police impunity to the forefront. Its formulations are anything other than discreet. The Commissioner “regrets that rhetoric stigmatizing migrants has often been used in Greek politics, including by high-level politicians”, and explicitly mentions the prime minister, who in November 2012 spoke before his party’s parliamentary fraction of “an on-going ‘recuperation’ by the Greek authorities of city centres from irregular migrants who had ‘occupied’ them and subjected them to their ‘illegal activities’” (para. 23). The report mentions similar statements by the political superior of the Hellenic Police, the minister of public order, who said: “the country perishes. Ever since the Dorians’ invasion 4 000 years ago, never before has the country been subjected to an invasion of these dimensions…. this is a bomb on the foundations of the society and the State” (para. 24).

If one wishes to talk responsibly about ultra-right and racist violence tolerated by or – worse – actively abetted by the Hellenic Police, then it is highly important to underline what many democratic police officers told us during our research: that in the last instance the tone is not set by Golden Dawn, but first and foremost by the government itself. After all, “the Dorians’ invasion” as a metaphor for immigration was not (only) used by the leader of Golden Dawn, but (also) by the minister responsible for the police. This is a message that straightforwardly legitimizes racist violence, and at the same time totally represses the racist motive as a possible motive of criminal acts. To highlight an issue as a political priority, as has been done with immigration in Greece the last few years – and most certainly so by the current government – gives fuel to arbitrary practices by police and, of course, serves to incubate ultra-right political ideology; in its national socialist version, no less.
- the leftist strategy is to grant a nation may control its borders, but attack viciously any attempt to do so. leftist media organs always take the side of the illegal invader against the native. always is not an overstatement, it is precisely true.

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In early 2013, the Departments and Offices Against Racist Violence were put to work inside the Hellenic Police. Now, any Greek or foreign citizen can report racist attacks
by calling 11414.
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According to this argument, Golden Dawn would like the present government to fail and a left government to come as quickly as possible to power so that this can also fail, creating an opportunity for Golden Dawn soon after. The long-term goal, however, is the trans-historical goal of the Nazis: to overthrow democratic government, a form of government Golden Dawn has typically rejected. The relevant policy here recalls the historically tested formula of ultra-right extremism – the strategy of tension, which fuels people’s fear of a particular social group by dividing and manipulating public opinion through terror, propaganda and provocation.
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For those who disagree with this strategic choice, the challenge ahead is twofold:
First, to undermine the culture that forms the background of the consolidation of ultra-right ideology in the Hellenic Police; and, second, to stop communications with pockets of ultra-right extremism both inside and outside the police. The former is a matter of education. The latter is a matter of punishment. Both are a matter of will.
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A discourse on prison cannot avoid that foreigners now constitute the main population of prisons nowadays. According to the latest data of the Ministry of Justice, found in the explanatory statement to Law 4043/2012, foreign prisoners make up about 7,000 out of a total 12,500 prisoners in the country. This over-representation of foreigners is inversely proportionate to the foreign population in Greece, as well as to their absolute participation in crime. This should be a commonplace by now.
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To summarize all of the above in a phrase that may seem provocative but certainly
not untrue, we could say that in present-day Greece, you may well be a racist and a Nazi, because the Greek judiciary believes that this is protected freedom of speech. Yet you may never be blasphemous. In that case, Nazis along with fundamentalists are free to attack you, and, what is more, the judiciary is free to prosecute you as well...
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A prompt order by the prosecutor called for the disclosure online of mug shots, identities and private medical data – that is, their seropositivity – and initiated criminal prosecution against the women.
- the nature of crime changed when aliens came in. terrorism, drugs, human trafficking, street vendors.

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Greece has also failed to pass the legal amendments required for European case-law to be integrated without obstruction into the decisions issued by the Greek courts.
- it is clear that in greece a larger share of the judiciary is on the side of the natives than in perhaps any other white country

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Shortly after the reformed Greek Citizenship Code was instituted (Law 3838/2010),
77 an Athens attorney (the same person who had joined other members of Golden
Dawn in the aforementioned complaint that led to Savvas Michail’s criminal prosecution) filed before the Council of State asking the revocation of various provisions of the law. The Fourth Chamber of the Council of State, found the application admissible in its Decision No. 350/2011 and sent the case to the Plenary Session to judge the constitutionality of these provisions. The distinctive features of the Fourth Chamber’s decision regarding Law 3838/2010 are the following: a) the nation is conceived as a self-contained legal fact, separate from the people and materialized through the Constitution; b) the law of blood is elevated to the status of a Constitutional principle; c) because of the above, only an individual judgment on the “consciousness” of the person requesting Greek citizenship may give them a position among the Greek people, as long as the interested person’s parents have lived more than five years in Greece and the interested person has completed six years attendance in a Greek school; d) finally, since public authority is at stake in local elections, the franchise is limited to Greek citizens.
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The distinction between the notions of people and nation on which the decision is based is not entirely new in Greek constitutional law, as it had been tested theoretically by the constitutional jurists of the Metaxas regime, who had to conclude by any means necessary that all authority in Greece emanates not from the people, but from the nation – and thus that national will may contradict popular will. This view is contrary to the democratic view of political community, instead favouring the metaphysical idea of nation over the political one. The law of blood, namely the acquisition of children’s citizenship through their parents, is an institution of the Greek legal order, as well as of virtually every legal order in the world. However, it is legally unprecedented to invest the “law of blood” with the status of a constitutional principle and claim that its violation leads to the “degeneration of the nation”.
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In the aftermath of the assassination of the 34-year-old anti-fascist musician Pavlos Fyssas by the neo-Nazis of Golden Dawn, it was revealed, among other things, that members of this organization had received unofficial training from military officers. Just one week later, a group called the Special Forces Reserve Officers Community (SFROC) announced online its intent to stage a coup d’etat within the week. This was seen as a factor of further destabilization, and mobilized the judiciary. On 28 September 2013, the announced day of the coup, there was of course no “establishment of a national emergency government under the President of the Supreme Court and guaranteed by the Armed Forces”, as the SFROC had demanded. What happened instead on that day was something unprecedented in Greek history in the period since the 1974 transition (the period of the “Changeover”). Security forces carried out the arrest of Nikos Michaloliakos, a member of parliament and the leader of Golden Dawn, as well as four other Golden Dawn MPs (out of a total of eighteen in parliament), and thirteen other leading members of the neo-Nazi party.
- the ongoing debate (and contingency planning) concerning the demarcation of an Exclusive Economic Zone in the Aegean

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On the other hand, the “democratic integration” of the military and, in parallel, the Greek ultra-right’s progressive abandonment since 1990 of its self-definition as a camp of junta-lovers do not mean that the military is excluded from the ultra-right political imaginary. The exact opposite is the case. Suffice it to mention here that the most important annual mobilization of Golden Dawn to date has been the anniversary of the Imia/Kardak dispute of 1996. This annual rally, though it began as a marginal one, has in the last few years mobilized 3,000 to 5,000 ultra-right supporters.
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These incidents confirm that during all this time there has always been a “special” and multi-dimensional relationship of the Greek ultra-right with the “hardest” of the State’s mechanisms.
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According to Alexa.com, which tracks macroscopic international trends on the Web, as of 8 August 2013 Defencenet was the 30th most popular website in Greece and indexed by 2,395 other Web pages. Defensenet.gr appears to be favourable to Golden Dawn and often publishes communiqués by the organization, even in matters of national defence.

At the same time, and despite its favour for an outfit as anti-Semitic as Golden Dawn, Defensenet.gr does not hesitate to hail the energy agreement between Greece, Cyprus and Israel as a “historic” one, in line with Golden Dawn’sofficial position. Let us note, by the way, that the neo-Nazi party does not question the Greek pro-Israel foreign policy, thus adopting discretely the official Greek defence strategy.
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The SFROC call for a coup on 28 September 2013 reminded that the main mechanism of influence for the Greek ultra-right is in the nationalist reserve officers’ clubs.

it did not dismiss the chief of Armed Forces General Staff, General Michalis Kostarakos, who via Twitter had unbecomingly saluted the racist provision brought to the Parliament by 85 New Democracy MPs suggesting that all entrants to military and police schools be ‘of Hellenic origin’”
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The same chief of the general staff, Kostarakos was all over the press again a few days later, as Democratia, the newspaper close to the prime minister’s milieu, noted approvingly that on “the night of Holy Saturday, the Paschal troparion chanted by Archbishop Ieronymos was ‘covered’ by the National Anthem chanted vigorously by the contingent of the Naval Academy”. According to the newspaper, Kostarakos congratulated, again via Twitter, “the contingents of Military Schools that manfully chanted the National Hymn last night in Athens, during the liturgy of the Resurrection”, claiming that these students had acted upon an… order issued by Kostarakos himself, two years earlier112. The newspaper’s overtones and of course this statement by Kostarakos had obvious political implications, as the Greek-Orthodox archbishop is highly unpopular in right-wing and ultra-right milieus because of his more tolerant views on immigration. The “covering” of his voice was a symbolic challenge to his power and an expression of antagonism to the institutional representation of widespread anti-Memorandum and anti-parliamentary sentiments.
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... a growing competition for influence inside the military between New Democracy and Golden Dawn. In one of its many questions in the Parliament regarding uniformed officers’ pay cuts, with which Golden Dawn tries to promote itself as the most loyal “syndicalist” of the security forces and particularly the military,
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The purpose of our research has been to identify the currents that connect the military with a process of reversal of the democratization signaled by the Changeover – a reversal that, in conditions of crisis and an extensive “creative destruction”, takes on fascist features. We have documented this role by showing synergies between parts of the military and the ultra-right that confirm two trends: a) a “violation of the boundary” between war and peace; and b) a “violation of the boundary” between the military’s “political neutrality” and its active participation in political life and internal security against the internal and “outside-inside” enemy. We have privileged the terms “trends” or “currents” because, on the one hand, we did not want to underestimate certain “isolated incidents”; while, on the other, we did not want to suggest that these phenomena are dominant and the ensuing situation is final – far from it.
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It is telling that a few days after Metaxas’ dictatorship had been declared, the Church, in its magazine of the same name (Ekklisia), in a text entitled “The Prime Minister’s Reveille”, wrote in praise of Metaxas, mentioning that the President of the Government (he was not referred to as a dictator) had assessed the communist danger seriously threatening the Greek people, and that it was the first time that such a view – which would shape the future of Greece – was officially expressed.
119
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The Changeover, in other words, did not touch the Church at all, which kept up with its work and its presence without ever being “dejuntaized”, not even for the sake of
appearances.
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The fact that Greek priests are public servants should normally be a constraining factor regarding the expression of ultra-right positions on their part. Yet nothing of the kind ever took place. On the contrary, they have always used and still use the privileges of their State position in order to reproduce such views. The Greek particularity lies specifically in this.
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... in 1980, then Bishop of Corinth Panteleimon published a small book entitled Jews and Christians, which was also published in English in 1984. There he claimed that Jews try to corrupt religious people, and that they hate Christians and also Hellenism (1984: 12). In the same context, he pointed out that during the Ottoman Empire the Jews were allying with the Turks and tortured Christians, while during the 1821 revolution they had taken sides with the Turks (1984: 30-31). Finally, referring to the Israeli State, he considered it a fabrication and a threat to humanity (1984: 39-49).
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The problem lies in the fact that some priests, by virtue of their position, think that they can say whatever they want without having to answer to anyone.
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...the Church never turns against the immigrant as a person; the person who suffers often enjoys the Church’s charity, and this should not be underestimated. The Special Synodical Committee for Immigrants, Refugees and Repatriates is tangible proof of a radically different ecclesiastical speech and action to the one analyzed here.
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For those familiar with the neo-Nazi field, Golden Dawn has never been a group with an Orthodox background and faith. A number of their older texts prove that they were more amenable to the ancient Greek religion of the Dodecatheon (twelve gods), and in some cases Northern pagan worship, than to the Orthodox Christian faith (Psarras 2012: 211-232). Of course, after Golden Dawn entered the political stage, and clearly for reasons of canvassing, this past was forgotten. Through public statements and texts on the party’s website, an effort has been made for it to appear as a protector of Orthodox church and tradition. Like all political forces that get stronger, the neo-Nazis chose to flatter some priests of the Church of Greece. And, instead of repelling them, the priests enjoyed it too...
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The Church of Greece is like a multi-faceted power party in which everyone says pretty much what they want, while being essentially driven by power. More particularly, the administration system of the Church is synodical, very different from that of the Catholic Church, for instance.
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This means that control is harder. Yet the fact remains that the basic issue is the maintenance of balance inside the hierarchy, and this is why there cannot be an institutional intervention or even a condemnation regarding what the different bishops say.
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to retain the Church’s privileges in relation to the Greek State
- the church clergy are bureaucrats - formal parts of the state. they want equal wages and benefits and privileges if they can get them.

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This publication was sponsored by the German Federal Foreign Office.
http://rosalux-europa.info/userfiles...ing_A4_WEB.pdf

Last edited by Alex Linder; June 9th, 2014 at 04:47 PM.
 
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