|August 7th, 2011||#1|
Bread and Circuses
Join Date: Apr 2009
Location: Jewed Faggot States of ApemuriKa
Blog Entries: 1
Adolf Hitler declares war on Poland
|July 4th, 2018||#2|
Join Date: Jan 2011
Polish Atrocities Against the German Minority
General Otto Remer Interview, Conducted by Stephanie Schoeman, for Institute for Historical Review
Q: What is your view of the Polish Corridor crisis and the outbreak of the war in 1939?
A: In September 1944, when I was commander of the guard unit at Hitler's headquarters, I spoke with Hitler during a walk together outside. I asked him: "My Fuhrer, may I speak frankly with you for a moment?" "Of course," he replied. I then asked him: "Why did you really attack Poland? Couldn't you have been more patient?"
Hitler had only asked for an extra-territorial highway and rail line across Polish territory, and he wanted the return of Danzig to the Reich. These were really very modest demands. With a bit more patience, couldn't he have obtained these, in much the same way that Austria and the Sudetenland had been united with the Reich?
And Hitler replied:
"You are mistaken. I knew as early as March 1939 that Roosevelt had determined to bring about a world war, and I knew that the British were cooperating in this, and that Churchill was involved. God knows that I certainly did not want a world war. That's why I sought to solve the Polish problem in my own way with a kind of punishment expedition, without a declaration of war. After all, there had been thousands of murders of ethnic Germans and 1.2 million ethnic German refugees. What should I have done? I had to act. And for that reason, four weeks after this campaign, I made the most generous offer of peace that any victorious leader could ever have made. Unfortunately, it wasn't successful.
And then he said: "If I had not acted as I did with regard to the Polish question, to prevent a second world war, by the end of 1942 at the latest we would have experienced what we are now experiencing in 1944." That's what he said.
Uniting Danzig with Germany: Tuesday, September 19, 1939
Speech By Adolf Hitler
"I tried to find ways and means for a bearable solution of this problem also. These endeavors I submitted in the form of verbal proposals to the former Polish rulers. With these proposals you are all familiar; they were more than reasonable. I attempted to arrive at an understanding doing justice to our desire to re-establish a connection between East Prussia and the Reich, and the desire of the Poles to retain access to the sea. Above all, I tried to find a synthesis between the German character of the city of Danzig and its firm resolve to return to the German Reich, on the one hand, and the economic demands of the Poles, on the other. I consider myself justified in saying that at that time I was more than modest. There were moments when I reflected and asked myself over and over again whether before my own people I could take the responsibility of submitting such proposals for a solution to the Polish Government. My only reason for doing so was that I was anxious to spare both the German and the Polish peoples the sufferings resulting from another conflict.
During the course of this spring I have again repeated this offer in the most concrete form.
Danzig was to return to the Reich. An exterritorial road was to be built to East Prussia—at our expense of course. In return Poland was to receive the most extensive Free Port rights, and similar exterritorial access. I, on the other hand, on top of that, was prepared to guarantee the existing frontiers, hardly bearable as they were, and finally to let Poland participate in guaranteeing the safety of Slovakia. I cannot imagine what a state of mind the Polish Government was in when it rejected these proposals. I do know, however, that untold millions of Germans gave a sigh of relief because they were of the opinion that in making those proposals I had gone too far.
Poland's reply was to order the first mobilization, immediately followed by ferocious terrorism. My request to the then Polish Foreign Minister to visit me in Berlin in order to discuss this question with me once more was rejected. Instead of coming to Berlin, he went to London!"
- The Reorganization of the German East -
"Peacefully and without bloodshed, the Führer had remedied a large part of the injustice of Versailles. But it proved impossible to work things out peacefully with Poland. Poland felt it had the support of England and France, and was not willing to negotiate a settlement of the Danzig Corridor question. In the war forced upon us, Poland was defeated in an 18-day campaign. It was completely dissolved, after about 60,000 ethnic Germans had fallen victim to Polish incitement and murder. Danzig was freed and returned with West Prussia to the German state. Posen too again became part of the German Reich. It became the Gau Wartheland after the incorporation of neighboring areas with a Germanic population. Germans will here establish order in place of the “Polish economy.” The Führer ordered the resettlement of ethnic Germans from the Baltic areas, the Cholm-Lublin district, and from Wolhynien, Galicia, Buchenland, Bessarabia, Dobrudscha, and Lithuania. These ethnic Germans in the Wartegau and in Danzig-West Prussia will bring the land to new prosperity, and form a living wall to protect the German east. The Poles in these areas were resettled to other remaining Polish districts, and the Russians brought their citizens back from the German districts. As a result, the borders between Germanic and Slavic regions will in the future be clear."
Canberra Times, 1939
Germany's 16 Point Demands
The Berlin radio announced tonight that the latest German reply to Britain contains 16 points:
(1) Danzig, on account of its purely German character and the unanimous will of its population shall return to the Reich unconditionally and forthwith.
(2) The Corridor itself shall decide whether it desires to belong to Germany or Poland, for which purpose a plebiscite shall be held.
(3) Those entitled to vote on the plebiscite will be all Germans and Poles who have been resident in the Corridor since January 1, 1939, or have been born there. All Germans expelled from the Corridor or forced to leave will return in order to vote.
(4) In order to guarantee the objective of the voting an international commission will be constituted, similar to that in the Saar plebiscite, and will consist of representatives of Italy, the Soviet, France and Britain. The commission will exercise sovereign rights in the territory. Polish police, military and other authorities must leave the Corridor at the shortest possible notice, except Gydnia, which unconditionally remains Polish. The exact German and Polish frontier of Gdynia and Germany must be determined by an agreement between Berlin and Warsaw.
(5) The plebiscite shall not be held for a year.
(6) In order to maintain communication between Germany and East Prussia before and during the plebiscite, Germany will be granted a rail-road and motor-road across the Corridor for her exclusive use.
(7) The plebiscite will be decided by a simple majority.
(8) In order to guarantee the safety of traffic between Germany and East Prussia in the case of a plebiscite resulting in the partition of the Corridor, special motor roads and rail roads shall be granted, which will not embrace a strip of territory wider than one kilometre. This strip to be declared an extra-territorial zone.
(9) If the plebiscite decides that the Corridor remain Polish, Germany is prepared to carry out an exchange of population.
(10) Special privileges sought by Poland in Danzig will be laid down in a manner analogous to German privileges in Gdynia.
(11) In order to obviate all feeling of insecurity on the part of the population, both Gdynia and Danzig will be declared mere "centres of trade," which will not be fortified. The peninsular of Helx will, in any case, be demilitarised.
(12) For the settlement of possible complaints of the German and Polish minorities, both the contracting parties agree that these complaints should be submitted to an international commission, which will investigate each case on its merits.
(13) Germany and Poland neutrally agree to repair and recompense all economic damages caused by their respective minorities since 1918.
(14) Minorities remaining in either country at the close of the plebiscite will, by mutual agreement, be exempted from military service and enjoy full social and cultural freedom.
(15) In the event of the acceptance of these proposals, Germany and Poland declare themselves ready to order and carry out the immediate demobilisation of the respective armies.
(16) All further measures becoming necessary will be laid down through mutual agreement between Germany and Poland.
The German-proposals were made subject to a time-limit which expired at midnight on August 30. An essential condition was that a Polish plenipotentiary should be able to reach agreement and come to Berlin on August 30.
PRELUDE TO WAR
An official German announcement accompanying the sixteen point demands on Poland stated:
"In a Note on August 28, Britain declared that she was ready to offer her good offices for direct German and Polish negotiations. Britain left no doubt that she recognised the necessity for urgent action, in view of the "continual incidents" and the general European tension.
"Germany replied, on August 29, that despite skepticism in connection with Poland's willingness to achieve a settlement, she was willing in the interests of peace to accept the British suggestion. Germany added that quick action was necessary in order to avoid the danger of catastrophe. Therefore, she declared that she was willing to receive, until the evening of August 30, a Polish delegate, provided he had full powers to negotiate and conclude an agreement.
Furthermore, Germany was willing pending the arrival of the delegate, to inform Britain of the basis on which she was willing to negotiate.
Instead of being informed of the arrival of the delegate, Germany first received as a reply to her willingness to negotiate, the news of the Polish mobilisation... Then, not before August 31, a general British assurance of willingness to co-operate to effect negotiations.
Germany cannot be expected to ceaselessly express willingness to negotiate or even prepare for negotiations, while Poland temporises with subterfuges and futile statements."
Original article can be found at the National Library of Australia, HERE:
The New York Times
August 28, 1939
Hitler Note and Paris Communique
The text of Chancellor Hitler's letter to Premiere Daladier of France:
My dear Minister President:
I understand the misgiving to which you give expression. I, too, have never overlooked the grave responsibilities which are imposed upon those who are in charge of the fate of nations. As an old front line fighter, I, like yourself, know the horrors of war. Guided by this attitude and experience, I have tried to remove all matters that might cause conflict between our two peoples.
I have quite frankly given one assurance to the French people, namely, that the return of the Saar would constitute the precondition for this. After its return I immediately and solemnly pronounced my renunciation of any further claims that might concern France. The German people approved of this, my attitude.
As you could judge for yourself during your last visit here, the German people, in the knowledge of its own behaviour held and holds no ill feelings, much less hatred, for its one-time brave opponent. On the contrary, the pacification of our western frontier led to an increasing sympathy. Certainly as far as the German people are concerned, a sympathy which, on many occasions, showed itself in a really demonstrative way.
The construction of the western fortifications, which swallowed and still swallow many millions (of Marks) at the same time constituted for Germany a document of acceptance and fixation of the final frontiers of the Reich. In doing so, the German people have renounced two provinces which once belonged to the German Reich, later were conquered again at the cost of much blood, and finally were defended with even more blood.
I believed that by this renunciation and this attitude every conceivable source of conflict between our two peoples that might lead to a repetition of the tragedy of 1914-1918 had been done away with.
This voluntary limitation of the German claims to life in the West, can, however, not be interpreted as an acceptance of all other phases of the Versailles dictate. I have really tried, year after year, to achieve the revision of at least the most impossible and unbearable provisions of this dictate by way of negotiation. This was impossible.
In this sense I have tried to remove from the world the most irrational provisions of the Versailles dictate. I have made an offer to the Polish government which shocked the German people. Nobody but myself could even dare go before the public with such an offer. It could therefore be made only once.
I am deeply convinced that if, especially, England at that time had, instead of starting a wild campaign against Germany in the press and instead of launching rumors of a German mobilization, somehow talked the Poles into being reasonable, Europe today and for twenty-five years could enjoy a condition of deepest peace.
As things were, Polish public opinion was excited by a lie about German aggression. Clear decisions that the situation called for were made difficult for the Polish government. Above all, the government's ability to see the limitations of realistic possibilities was impaired by the guarantee promise that followed.
The Polish government declined the proposals. Polish public opinion, convinced that England and France would now fight for Poland, began to make demands one might possibly stigmatize as laughable insanity were they not so tremendously dangerous. At that point an unbearable terror, a physical and economic persecution of the Germans although they numbered more than a million and a half began in the regions ceded by the Reich.
I do not want to speak of the atrocities that occurred. Suffice it to say that Danzig, too, was made increasingly conscious through continuous aggressive acts by Polish officials of the fact that apparently it was delivered over to the high-handedness of a power foreign to the national character of the city and its population.
May I now take the liberty of putting a question to you, Herr Daladier: How would you act as a Frenchman if, through some unhappy issue of a brave struggle, one of your provinces severed by a corridor occupied by a foreign power? And if a big city - let us say Marseilles - were hindered from belonging to France and if Frenchmen living in this area were persecuted, beaten and maltreated, yes, murdered, in a bestial manner?
You are a Frenchman, Herr Daladier, and I therefore know how you would act. I am German, Herr Daladier. Do not doubt my sense of honor nor my consciousness of duty to act exactly like you. If, then, you had the misfortune that is ours, would you then, Herr Daladier, have any understanding that Germany was without cause to insist that the corridor through France remained, that the robbed territory must not be restored, and that the return of Marseilles be forbidden?
Certainly I cannot imagine, Herr Daladier, that Germany would fight against you for this reason. For, I and all of us, have renounced Alsace-Lorraine in order to avoid further bloodshed. Much less would we shed blood in order to maintain an injustice that would as unbearable for you as it would be immaterial to us.
Possibly we, as old front fighters, can best understand each other in a number of fields. I ask you, however, do understand this also: That it is impossible for a nation of honor to renounce the claim of almost two million human beings and to them maltreated at its own borders. I have therefore set up a clear demand to Poland. Danzig and the Corridor must return to Germany.
I see no way of persuading Poland, which feels herself as unassailable, now that she enjoys the protection of her guarantees, to accept a peaceful solution. If our two countries on that account should be destined to meet again on the field of battle, there would nevertheless be a difference in the motives. I, Herr Daladier, shall be leading my people in a fight to rectify a wrong, whereas the others would be fighting to preserve that wrong.
That is the more tragic since many important men, also among your own people, have recognized the insanity of the solutions then found (at Versailles) as also the possibility of maintaining it lastingly.
That our two peoples should enter a new, bloody war of destruction is painful not only for you, but also for me, Herr Daladier. As already observed, I see no possibility for us on our part to exert influence in the direction of reasonableness upon Poland for correcting a situation that is unbearable for the German people and the German Reich.
- Adolf Hitler
|July 5th, 2018||#3|
A White ethnic group too!
Join Date: May 2016
Location: Gottgläubig Crackertown, in a honkey home, away from Multicultia lol, building National Folk Faith:)
Blog Entries: 3
German: Hitlers Krieg - Sechs Jahre, die die Welt erschüttern
Hitler's War - Six Years That Shook the World
"All across Poland, the so-called 'pogroms' (lynch-mob attacks associated with ethnic cleansing) against the minorities begin. In Galicia, Ukrainians are detained, while Germans are forcibly deported to the Polish interior by the thousands. German stores are boycotted, their farms torched, and ethnic Germans are physically assaulted, in the open, on city streets, and on three separate occasions, Polish air defenses open fire upon German Lufthansa (civilian airline) transport planes en Route to Königsberg (now Kaliningrad).
In July and August of 1939, facing increasingly violent attacks, a wave of ethnic German refugees is forming, and increasing in size, with each passing day. Finally, the minority Germans begin trying to make their way to the free state of Danzig, and to Germany proper, but those who to try to escape, also put their lives at risk. Night after night, Polish border officials shot at the fleeing Germans. Nonetheless, many would try to make their way to safety, and freedom.
Shortly before the official outbreak of war, there were already 80,000 ethnic Germans in refugee camps in both Danzig and the German Reich."
Reference: Hitlers Krieg - Sechs Jahre, die die Welt erschüttern, SPIEGEL SPECIAL 2/2005, Alle Rechte vorbehalten; Vervielfältigung nur mit Genehmigung der SPIEGEL-Verlag Rudolf Augstein GmbH & Co. KG.
True diversity is preserving all ethnic groups. We have a group identity to maintain. We ought to have spiritual community centers for us, to have closure for our history, celebrate our heritage & look to the future. National Folk Faith AFA CT
Last edited by John Smithwick; July 5th, 2018 at 10:13 PM.