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Old July 21st, 2005 #1
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Default The Clintons and drugs, harassment, murder. The internet only media they feared

This is from the World Net Daily, written by Richard Poe. He makes several accusations:

--As a governor, Bill Clinton smuggled drugs to pay for guns smuggled to the Contras
--State troopers have come forward to say they were involved in the smuggling
--Two boys found one of the drop-off spots for the drugs and were killed
--Journalists who have investigated the case have been killed
--Officers of investigators have been broken into repeatedly, only during the time they were making the investigations, and nothing was stolen
--The IRS targeted the Western Journalism Center for its investigation. The Center was audited for nine months, costing it immense time and money (for legal counsel etc), effectively killing the investigation. Donors to the Center were also audited, causing them to withdraw their donations.
--One IRS agent admitted openly that the auditing against the Center was "a political case," which is illegal. To audit people for political reasons was one of the accusations that brought down Nixon.

An interesting conclusion is drawn:

--The media killed every scandal about the Clintons. Only the Wall Street Journal ran stories on those who were harassed and threatened.
--A secret document compiled by Hillary Clinton and her aides, revealed by a defecting journalist, showed Hillary was deadly afraid of the internet. Ironically that fear alerted many journalists to the internet's possibilities.
--Today the internet is an increasingly powerful force in politics.

Another interesting point in the middle of the article should be observed by a WN reader:
--Jew journalist Philip Weiss (the defector) in an interview described his time in college as the life of an outsider intimidated by the "preppy WASPs". Read: he hated the Whites in college. Living in New York later his hatred continued, when he felt like "an outsider pressing his face to the glass." He was suddenly part of the in-crowd after one article where he defended the Clintons and bashed Clinton-critics. Suddenly he was in the fast lane. He was eventually sent out on a mission to bash the mother of one of the murdered children (those who found the drug drop spot) as a "conservative lunatic" etc, but his hours of interviewing her turned him around. He eventually blew the whistle on the Clintons' systematic attacks on critics.


The Clintons' enemy list

Editor's note: The following is an eye-opening look into New York Times best-selling author Richard Poe's revealing book, "Hillary's Secret War." Whereas Edward Klein's book on the New York senator reveals previously unknown aspects of her personal life, Poe's expose focuses on how Hillary Clinton and the left's "shadow government" have labored to put her and her far-left agenda in the White House by controlling the still-uncensored flow of real news to Americans – via the Internet.

If that sounds too fantastic to be true, read on.


The Western Journalism Center was a nonprofit organization founded in 1991 by Joseph Farah, who was, at the time, editor in chief of the Sacramento Union. Its purpose was to encourage independent investigative reporting. After the New York Post pulled the plug on Ruddy's investigation into Vincent Foster's death, Farah funded a major ad campaign to keep Ruddy's work in the public eye. In doing so, Farah deeply offended the White House. It was not long before the Shadow Team began applying muscle.


In order to raise funds for Ruddy's investigation, Farah had taken out full-page advertisements, first in the Washington Times, then subsequently in the New York Times, the Washington Post and the Los Angeles Times. Farah's ads laid out the evidence of a cover-up and appealed for donations to keep the probe going.

Burglars entered Farah's office in Fair Oaks, Calif., soon after.
Farah says:

"Nothing was stolen. They broke in through the roof of the building, entered into an adjacent office, turned the place upside down, stole nothing from any of the offices, and then exited through the locked front door by smashing the glass and going out. We had just gone very high-profile by taking out a full-page ad in the New York Times just the week before … so it was extremely coincidental."

Two years later, after Farah moved to new offices, burglars entered again. "Out of probably 20 offices in this larger complex, only our office was broken into, and again nothing was stolen," Farah recalls. In addition, he says, "Our mailbox in the post office was broken into. … I thought that was very suspicious. All in the same time period. … It just seemed like a lot of amazing coincidences."

The Troopergate burglaries

Farah was not the only Clinton critic to experience burglaries. R. Emmett Tyrrell Jr.'s American Spectator magazine also suffered break-ins during its reporting of the so-called "Troopergate" scandal. According to London Sunday Telegraph correspondent Ambrose Evans-Pritchard, the American Spectator "suffered these mysterious burglaries of its offices just at the time the [Troopergate] article was nearing completion."


Clinton bodyguard Larry Patterson later testified that it was common knowledge among Arkansas state police that "large quantities of drugs [were] being flown into Mena airport, large quantities of money, large quantities of guns, that there was an ongoing operation training foreign people in that area. That it was a CIA operation."

State trooper Larry Douglas Brown, better known as L.D. Brown, testified under oath that he had been inducted into the CIA on Bill Clinton's personal recommendation. Brown testified that in 1984 his CIA handler instructed him to ride along on two flights out of Mena airport, on military C-123K transports. On the trip down, the crew dropped M-16 rifles by parachute into a mountainous, tropical area, presumably to be used by the Contra rebels in their war against the Sandinistas. Afterward, the team landed in Honduras, picked up four duffel bags, and flew home to Arkansas.

'Lasater's deal'

On the second such mission, Brown saw what was in the duffel bags. They were filled with one-kilo bricks of cocaine, in what he called "waxene-wrapped" packages. Frightened and angry, Brown went to Gov. Clinton and asked him point-blank if the CIA was running cocaine from Central America. "Oh no," Clinton reportedly said. "That's Lasater's deal."


Several authors have explored the guns-for-drugs operation that allegedly ran out of Mena airport during Clinton's governorship. One such author – Pulitzer-prize-winning reporter Gary Webb, formerly of the San Jose Mercury News – was found dead in his home on Dec. 10, 2004, with a bullet wound in the head. His death was ruled a suicide.


The news that Arkansas state troopers were talking to the American Spectator must have hit Hillary's War Room like a tornado. There was no telling what those troopers might say.

Burglars hit the American Spectator three times in 1993, all during the period that David Brock was working on his Troopergate story. Intruders entered the magazine's office on Sept. 3 and 10. On Sept. 22, burglars broke into an Upper East Side apartment in Manhattan that the Spectator used. The burglars' modus operandi was similar to that of the intruders who invaded Farah's office.


In his February 2001 article, Rees-Mogg called the Mena airport affair "the biggest scandal of modern American history." He noted that "there were several suspicious deaths" connected to Mena, notably those of former Clinton security chief Jerry Parks and Vincent Foster, and that money from Mena "can be traced through Parks as far as Vince Foster. …" Rees-Mogg cited evidence that the late Foster was involved in the drug-smuggling business that revolved around Mena.

"In 1993, Parks was murdered by two unknown gunmen," noted Rees-Mogg.
"He lived in a dangerous world, as, indeed, did Vince Foster, who was found dead in Fort Marcy Park, Virginia."


Journalist Philip Weiss was going places. He had discovered a simple but effective formula for success: Defend the Clintons and attack their enemies, and all good things would come to you in the end. In large measure, Weiss owed his newfound success to the death of Vincent Foster.

Weiss had craved acceptance by the "in" crowd all his life. In a March 1995 interview with Newsday, Weiss ascribed his social insecurities to having grown up in what he called a "parochial" Jewish family. At Harvard, young Weiss felt intimidated by the "preppy WASPs" who dominated campus life. Later, as a successful journalist in New York, Weiss threw himself into the party scene. For all his carousing, however, Weiss never lost the sense of being an outsider with his face pressed against the glass.

"I tried to get in with an in-crowd in New York," Weiss told Newsday. "My head was turned by the notion of social status. I really cared about that, or thought I cared about that. And in the end I didn't find it meaningful. I realized that I had fooled myself, made a fool of myself."

Last edited by _DC_; July 21st, 2005 at 08:08 PM.
Old July 21st, 2005 #2
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Jew journalist Weiss willingly serves the Clintons. . . .


Weiss subsequently quoted Nussbaum in an Oct. 9, 1995 New York Observer column, in which Weiss blamed the Wall Street Journal for Foster's death. That story proved to be Weiss's ticket to the in crowd. He later wrote in the New York Observer of Nov. 22, 1999:

I became a White House friend. I didn't realize it fully until later, but I was in. One Clinton friend called me to ask if he could put my Foster article on a pro-Clinton website. I was flattered, and naοve. I didn't understand that the war had already begun, and that on the Web the Clintonites were losing.


In the fall of 1996, the New York Times Magazine asked Philip Weiss to write a story on "Clinton haters," eventually published on Feb. 23, 1997. Weiss' assignment was to interview Clinton conspiracy theorists and portray them as nutcases.


On the night of Aug. 23, 1987, two teenage boys, Kevin Ives and Don Henry, said they were going deer hunting. At 4:25 a.m., the crew of the northbound Union Pacific train saw the boys lying side by side on the track. The train could not stop in time.


Bit by bit, the real story began to leak out. The place where the boys died was known to local law enforcement as a drop zone for drug smugglers. Low-flying airplanes regularly dumped their contraband there for pickup. The boys had likely shown up at the wrong place at the wrong time. They had seen too much. Arkansas State Trooper L.D. Brown was ordered off the case in 1988. "I was told it had something to do with Mena and I was to get off it," Brown later explained.

Bill Clinton played a suspicious role in the cover-up. As governor, Clinton shielded his medical examiner, Fahmy Malak, who remained in office until 1992. As president, Clinton hamstrung the Train Deaths investigation for good.

As recounted earlier in this series, Clinton ordered the resignation of all 93 U.S. attorneys and replaced them with Clinton loyalists – something no other U.S. president had ever done. He then fired FBI director William Sessions on July 19, 1993, an act equally unprecedented in U.S. history. Finally, Clinton appointed former campaign worker and long-time crony Paula Casey as U.S. attorney for the Eastern District of Arkansas. He pulled the FBI off the Train Deaths case and turned it over to Casey. The probe fizzled out. Kevin's mother, Linda Ives, has been seeking justice ever since.

Of his meeting with Mrs. Ives, Weiss later admitted that the three or four hours he spent with her changed his life. He writes:

The boys' murders had been blatantly covered up as an accident by Gov. Clinton's medical examiner, and when at last the state was forced to rule them homicides, they had never truly been investigated. The drug dealers were obviously politically connected. The story was nauseating and left me troubled about the White House counsel's office. Here was a woman as wronged as an Argentinian mother, still seeking justice, and the White House had lumped her in with the lunatic fringe.

When I left Linda's house, late at night … I promised her I wouldn't sell her out. … I didn't realize it yet, but I was already becoming a Clinton-hater.


The summer before the White House sicced Weiss on Linda, Evalyn Lee, a "60 Minutes" producer, was sent on a similar mission. Again, after spending two days with Linda and me, Lee confessed that she was supposed to "befriend and interview" us and to "fold our interviews into a story about Clinton-bashers." According to Lee, the story was to air that fall before the '96 election and was supposed to boost support for Clinton. Lee said she had changed her mind about using us and planned to ask her superior to run a legitimate story about the Train Deaths. Of course, that never happened. …


One could argue that Hillary's secret war on "Clinton haters" made the White House, at the very least, an accomplice to murder after the fact. Vincent Foster may or may not have met foul play, but there is no question about the boys on the tracks. They were murdered. The Shadow Team's efforts to discredit Linda Ives plainly helped the boys' killers evade justice by discouraging further investigation. No matter. The scandal faded within days.



In January 1996, Farah heard rumors from at least three different people that the IRS "had the goods" on him and was going to "nail" his Western Journalism Center. Farah's accountant John Roux assured him that the Center's finances were in order and that IRS filings were current. Moreover, Roux had heard nothing from the IRS.

Farah now believes that the rumor campaign may have been a shot across the bow to warn him off the Foster case. He did not take the hint. In July 1996, IRS Field Agent Thomas Cederquist began auditing Farah's Center. The audit continued for nine months and came up blank. It uncovered no wrongdoing. Nevertheless, it accomplished what was probably its intended purpose. It forced Farah to stop supporting the Foster probe.


In a face-to-face meeting, Roux confronted Cederquist over the strangely political flavor of his audit. It was then that Cederquist made his now-infamous declaration, "Look, this is a political case and the decision is going to be made at the national level."

For months, the Center devoted most of its manpower to dealing with the audit. It had to gather thousands of documents demanded by the IRS and pay a small fortune in accountants' and lawyers' fees. Worst of all, the nine-month audit cast a shadow over Farah's reputation. Contributors backed off for fear that the Center was about to lose its nonprofit status and that their donations would no longer be tax-exempt.

Other contributors, sensing the political nature of the audit, cut their ties with Farah for fear that they might be audited next. Those fears turned out to be well-founded. When Farah retained civil liberties lawyer Larry Klayman to sue the IRS in 1998, Klayman's Judicial Watch organization was immediately audited.

Energy Secretary Hazel O'Leary even took it upon herself to contact one of Farah's major corporate donors and threaten to pull the donor's government contracts if he gave one more penny to the Western Journalism Center. "The warning was effective," Farah wrote later. "He has not donated any money since."


The Wall Street Journal mounted a crusade, publishing story after story on the IRS abuses. It soon became clear that few Clinton critics of any significance had been missed. Hillary's auditors hit dissident journalists particularly hard. Bill O'Reilly of Fox News was audited three years in a row, beginning the first year he launched "The O'Reilly Factor." Also hit was David Horowitz's Center for the Study of Popular Culture, which published the magazine Heterodoxy and the popular website Hillary's IRS targeted the National Review, the Heritage Foundation and R. Emmett Tyrrell Jr's American Spectator magazine.


In the case of the American Spectator, Hillary's Shadow Team went beyond mere economic harassment. Editor R. Emmett Tyrell Jr. later wrote of his travails in a Spectator story of November 2002.

"Our offices were broken into twice, our New York apartment once," Tyrrell recalls. "Thieves stole the manuscript to [Tyrell's book] 'Boy Clinton' while it was being sent across town to Bob Novak for a blurb. … [N]umerous instances of intimidation [were] attempted against Spectator staffers by Arkansas thugs."

Most damaging to the Spectator – and to press freedom generally – was an effort by the Clinton Justice Department to press criminal charges against Tyrrell and his associates for what turned out to be trumped up allegations of witness tampering.


It would seem that, as early as 1995, the first lady had already identified the Web as a threat to Big Media's information monopoly – and therefore to the Clintons' power. A dark prophetess of doom, Hillary decried the Internet's subversive potential at a time when dissident scribblers such as Farah were still trying to get their message out through printed newsletters and op-ed pieces in the Wall Street Journal.
Old July 21st, 2005 #3
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The moral of the story:

[R]emember that the White House was having this bad dream back in 1994-1995. This was long before anyone had ever heard of Matt Drudge. It was long before … was even on the drawing board. … Was it a premonition? Indeed, this was an administration doomed to scandal exposed by the Internet – the one form of mass communication its partisans in the old, establishment press couldn't seem to control. And, already, by early 1995, the White House could see the handwriting on the wall. … It doesn't take a Ph.D. in computer science to recognize that the Clintons and their political allies are scared of the Internet. They are clearly dying to get their hands on it – not for their own creative use, mind you, but for the purposes of control, for stifling free expression by others.


More than any other factor, Hillary's fear of cyber-journalism alerted Farah to the power of the Net. Ultimately, it led him to focus his efforts on Web publishing. Many other dissident journalists made the same decision around the same time.

The Web Underground made a quantum leap from the newsgroups and message boards of the early '90s, when the Web had served mainly as a giant bulletin board to publicize articles from newspapers and magazines. Now it began generating its own reportage, much of it high-caliber investigative work, assigned and edited by news professionals such as Ruddy and Farah.

The Web Underground completed its metamorphosis just in time. It would play a decisive role in stopping the Democrats from stealing the 2000 election.


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