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Old May 27th, 2013 #1
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American Internationalism Project


Jon Kyl,Joseph Lieberman | American Enterprise Institute

March 11, 2013




The American internationalism of the 20th century has become a victim of its own success; its greatest goals – the defeat of Fascism and Communism – have been attained. And so it is perhaps no surprise that the bipartisan domestic commitment to the global compact in force since the end of World War II has begun to crumble. Fiscal constraints, weariness with war and isolationism are eroding the American will to lead. The nation has often chafed “at the burden of our obligations.” But what once appeared to be a truism of an earlier era – the willingness to shoulder “the burdens of leadership in the free world" – has ceased to resonate with many Americans.

American internationalism has never been simply a response to threats, but an expression of who Americans are and what kind of world we want to live in. Our Founders outlined universal political truths: life – that is, security – liberty – that is, political freedom – and the pursuit of happiness – private, civic and economic liberties. To us, this is what defines a just world. Moreover, the greater the acceptance of these values around the world, the more peace, security and economic prosperity the U.S. has enjoyed.

But how do these principles apply in a new era? In particular, what are America’s security interests and how should they be safeguarded? The world is as complex and dangerous as it has been in many decades. Only a few years ago, the nation sustained an attack more devastating than anything seen in half a century. Global terrorism, radical Islam, the rise of China, the spread of nuclear weapons, economic turmoil, the instability of South Asia, and a growing arc of states in turmoil across Africa and the Middle East present challenges to our security and well-being.

How shall we meet them? How shall we define and prioritize our interests? Can regional issues be subcontracted to others? And can we continue to enjoy relative prosperity without the engagement that characterized recent decades? Through a series of working groups, reports and conferences, this Project seeks to craft a new bipartisan consensus to define America’s global role, identifying the building blocks and requirements of American internationalism in a new century.

For more information, please contact Phillip Lohaus at [email protected] or 202-862-5932.

http://www.aei.org/issue/foreign-and...alism-project/
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Old May 27th, 2013 #2
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Top Warmonger Calls for ‘Robust Internationalism’

May 24, 2013 AFP



Still-powerful politician wants U.S. to fight more foreign wars

By Michael Collins Piper

Just when Americans hoped they had heard the last of recently retired Senator Joe Lieberman (I-Conn.)—who had been widely touted as a possible secretary of state in a Mitt Romney presidential administration — Lieberman joined another fervent disciple of the New World Order, former Senator John Kyl (R-Ariz.), in co-chairing the so-called American Internationalism Project, a division of the neoconservative American Enterprise Institute (AEI).

Promoting their globalist agenda —calling for the United States to flex its military muscle abroad—the two ex-senators co-wrote an opinion piece published in The Washington Post on April 26 warning of what they called “the danger of repeating the cycle of American isolationism.”

Disturbed that economic problems at home, coupled with growing weariness on the part of Americans with costly and foolish no-win wars abroad —wars which Lieberman and Kyl continue to maintain were the right thing at the right time—are causing Americans to question U.S. meddling overseas, the two former senators are concerned that many Americans are demanding what they call a “retreat from the world.” Scorning this as advocacy for what they seek to smear as “neo-isolationist” policies, Lieberman and Kyl claim that “a diminished U.S. role in the world” would bring “long-term costs for our country.”

Pushing for what they refer to as a “robust internationalism” on the part of the U.S.—meaning a full-force military presence all over the planet—the duo speak of “the continuing importance of American internationalism.” The two urge “bipartisan” consensus on the support for U.S. meddling across the planet.

It will be recalled that Lieberman—the Democratic Party’s vice presidential nominee in 2000—was actually defeated for renomination to the Senate in his own party primary in 2006 as payback for his support for the war that Republican George W. Bush waged against Iraq on behalf of Israel.

Then, after winning reelection as an independent, Lieberman was Republican John McCain’s personal preference in 2008 for his vice presidential running mate and Lieberman was prepared to cross party lines and sign on with McCain. In the end, although former Alaska Governor Sarah Palin got the second slot, Lieberman not only spoke at the Republican National Convention, but also publicly endorsed McCain over Barack Obama.

In this sense, Lieberman does represent the “bipartisan” nature of the globalist forces that continue to push for absolute control of the direction of U.S. foreign policy.

Utilizing diverse elements in the Israeli lobby—along with a host of think tanks, political action groups and other big money sources—they seek to manipulate public discussion in the direction they desire, actively aided and abetted by the major media in America which interlocks with high-level power groups such as Bilderberg, the Trilateral Commission and the Council on Foreign Relations.

Although these internationalists represent everything that is contrary to the old-style nationalist tradition of looking out for America’s interests first, their influence remains substantial in the ranks of the Republican Party. It has even begun to impact the thinking of some patriots who are tricked into supporting the idea that America needs to be the world’s policeman, even at the cost of budget-busting military expansionism at the expense of the needs of the American people at home.

This philosophy—which sounds patriotic to many people, but which is anything but that—is often referred to as “American exceptionalism,” the idea that America has a particular God-given duty and right to essentially rule the world (in partnership with Israel and Britain and other selected allies, of course).

In truth, America can do the best for itself (and all of the world) by ignoring Lieberman and his ilk and doing what the Democratic Party’s 1972 presidential candidate, George McGovern, urged quite simply: “Come home America.”

http://americanfreepress.net/?p=10502
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Old May 27th, 2013 #3
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world revolution by another name. marx, trotsky (davidovich) and now liberman.
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Old August 8th, 2013 #4
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Zionist Globalist Atlantic Council

About the Atlantic Council

Since its founding in 1961-1962, the Council has been a preeminent, non partisan institution devoted to promoting transatlantic cooperation and international security. In its early years, distinguished American foreign policy leaders – Dean Acheson, Dean Rusk, Christian Herter, Lucius Clay, and others – developed an ambitious agenda to engage Americans with their European partners on matters of global concern. Now in its 50th year, the Atlantic Council is harnessing that history of transatlantic leadership and applying its founders’ vision to a broad spectrum of modern global challenges from violent extremism to financial instability and from NATO’s future to energy security. As we face an inflection point in history, the Atlantic Council provides an essential forum for navigating dramatic shifts in economic and political influence. The Council is home to ten programs and centers, broken down both functionally and regionally, which seamlessly work together to tackle today’s unique set of challenges.

FUNCTIONAL PROGRAMS

Brent Scowcroft Center on International Security

Examines emerging transatlantic and global security issues, including NATO transformation, cyber statecraft, strategic foresight, missile defense, and defense industry trends.

Transatlantic Relations Program

Works to foster consensus, cooperation, and leadership in the transatlantic arena and to boost understanding of the evolution of Europe, with a focus on the European Union and pivotal states such as Ukraine, Moldova, and Georgia.


Global Business & Economics Program

Convenes business and government leaders from the US and Europe to exchange ideas and design solutions to pressing global economic and financial challenges, and to advance prosperity and innovation.

Energy & Environment Program

Assesses and encourages transatlantic and East-West cooperation on major global issues impacting the availability, accessibility, affordability, and sustainability of energy.

Young Atlanticist Program

Brings together today’s top policymakers and tomorrow’s leaders for in-depth and open discussions, both in person and through social media, about the future of the Atlantic community.

REGIONAL PROGRAMS

Rafik Hariri Center for the Middle East

Examines the forces transforming the Middle East and develops policy recommendations for the US and Europe about how to support reform in the region.

Africa Center

Works to transform US and European policy approaches to Africa by building strong geopolitical partnerships with African states to enhance security and strengthen economic growth and prosperity on the continent.

Dinu Patriciu Eurasia Center

Promotes transatlantic engagement in the countries around the Black Sea, in the Caucasus, and in Central Asia that is focused on regional political and security issues, economic cooperation and integration, and energy diversity of supply and demand among Caspian producers and European and international markets.

South Asia Center

Provides a forum for countries in greater South Asia to engage with one another on sustainable stability and economic growth in our quest to “wage peace” in the region, and develop links and better understanding among them and members of the Atlantic community.



http://www.acus.org/program/brent-sc...ional-security
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